Any lessons learned from PIMS fire?

A court in New Delhi has sentenced former AAP leader Tahir Hussain to life imprisonment for the murder of Intelligence Bureau officer Ankit Sharma during the 2020 Delhi riots. Four other men received the same sentence. This case has been one of the most talked about legal battles to come out of the violence that shook northeast Delhi five years ago. On the surface, this looks like justice being served for a man who lost his life. But many observers, particularly within India’s Muslim community and civil rights groups, view this case with deep unease. Tahir Hussain was a Muslim municipal councillor, and his conviction fits into a wider and troubling pattern many have documented since Narendra Modi’s government came to power. Critics argue that Muslims accused in the 2020 riots have often faced harsher and faster prosecution than Hindu individuals accused of similar or worse violence during the same unrest, where investigations have moved slowly or produced few convictions. Rights groups have long raised concerns about India’s use of anti-terror laws, preventive detention, and prolonged pretrial custody against Muslim activists, students, and political figures since 2019. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have both documented what they describe as a shrinking space for religious minorities to seek justice fairly in India today. Hussain’s supporters argue that he was targeted because of his political visibility and religious identity, not purely because of evidence. This does not mean the court’s findings should be dismissed outright. A judge examined evidence over several years, and Ankit Sharma’s family deserves acknowledgment of their loss. But the broader climate around India’s justice system, especially in communally charged cases, deserves scrutiny. When convictions consistently fall along religious lines, the question of whether the process was truly even-handed becomes impossible to ignore.

An eight-member medical board has found that Mir Raza Ali died from a gunshot wound to the back. The board also found several serious injuries on his body from before death. This discovery changes the direction of a case that has drawn wide attention. The report came after a court ordered his grave to be opened at Karachi’s Rehmanial Masjid Graveyard. Doctors found a small entry wound on his upper back. The bullet broke a rib, tore through the heart, and exited from the chest. Doctors also found blood collected under the skin. This shows the injury happened while he was still alive. The doctors found more injuries too. They found bruises on the skull, a broken nose bone, and swelling on the face. There was also a crack running along the back of the skull, filled with dried blood. Marks were found near the throat area as well, though decay in the body made some tests harder to complete. The board has not given a final cause of death yet. Doctors have sent skin, muscle, hair, and bone samples for further testing. This new report turns the case from a missing person search into a suspected murder investigation. The Sindh government deserves credit here. By backing a court-ordered exhumation and a full medical board review, it has given this case a real chance at truth and justice. This kind of careful, science-based approach is exactly what difficult cases like this need. But what we need is a clear and reliable system for postmortem examinations across the board. Every case deserves properly trained doctors, modern lab facilities, and independent oversight from the start. Delays and unclear reports only hurt victims and their families. The Sindh government should build on this case by setting fixed rules for exhumations and postmortems, so families never have to wait years for the truth.

Two tribal elders lost their lives on Sunday in Lower South Waziristan. Gunmen shot Haji Gul and Malik Badshah while they travelled from Gul Kach to Zarmilan. Both men belonged to the Suleman Khel tribe. Police say the attackers escaped after the shooting. This is not an isolated case. It is part of a pattern that the state cannot keep ignoring. Tribal elders play a special role in this region. They settle disputes through jirgas. They stop small conflicts from becoming big ones. They keep peace between families and tribes. When someone kills these elders, they are not just killing individuals. They are killing the peace process itself. The list of victims keeps growing. In May, militants killed Malik Tariq Wazir in a bomb blast in Wana. He was a respected elder of the Ahmadzai Wazir tribe. He had already survived an abduction in December 2024. He came back and kept working for peace. Then a bomb ended his life near a busy market. In June, gunmen killed two sons of another elder, Malik Jamil Wazir, in the same area. These killings send a clear message. Anyone who works for peace in Waziristan becomes a target. Over the past 18 months, Lower South Waziristan has seen more targeted killings, bomb attacks, kidnappings and extortion. Attacks on police and security forces have also increased. The people who suffer the most are ordinary tribesmen and the elders who try to protect them. Meanwhile, security forces report success in Balochistan. Under Operation Rad-ul-Fitna-3, forces killed 15 militants in areas including Mastung, Bolan, Washuk, Awaran, Sibi, Khuzdar, Harnai and Noshki. They also recovered weapons and ammunition. Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi praised the forces for these operations. These operations matter. They weaken militant networks. But military action alone cannot solve the deeper problem. The government needs a two-part plan. First, it must continue operations against armed militants. Second, and just as important, it must protect the peace-loving elders and common citizens who become easy targets. Right now, the second part is missing. Elders like Malik Tariq Wazir and Malik Jamil Wazir did not carry weapons. They carried influence and trust. That made them vulnerable, not safe. Security forces should extend protection to tribal jirga members, especially those who have received threats. Police in Waziristan need better resources to investigate these killings quickly and to make arrests, not just launch preliminary cases that go nowhere. Local communities need faster response times when gunmen attack. Elders who mediate disputes deserve the same level of security attention as government officials, because they are doing work that keeps the state’s own peace efforts alive. Killing militants is one battle. Protecting the elders and common people who choose peace over violence in Waziristan is another. The government must treat both as equally urgent. If peace-loving voices keep dying in silence, fewer people will dare to raise those voices at all.

The meeting between Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi and Norwegian Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide is a welcome sign for Pakistan. It shows that the country is being taken seriously on the world stage. This editorial argues that the growing warmth between Islamabad and Oslo deserves genuine praise and should be built upon further. For too long, Pakistan has struggled to convince the world that it is a victim of terrorism, not a source of it. Naqvi used this meeting to make that case clearly. He told the Norwegian minister that militant groups are using Afghan soil to launch attacks inside Pakistan. This is a message Pakistan must keep repeating to every foreign visitor. The world needs to understand that Pakistan is fighting a war that was not of its own making. Eide did not just listen politely. He praised Pakistan’s role in the recent US-Iran conflict and called the country’s approach constructive. This is significant. It means Pakistan’s careful diplomacy during a tense regional crisis is being noticed and valued by European leaders. Pakistan should take confidence from this recognition and continue playing the role of a responsible regional actor. The numbers on illegal migration also tell a positive story. A 47 per cent drop in illegal migration from Pakistan to Europe is not a small achievement. It shows that government policy, when applied seriously, produces real results. Naqvi was right to stress that legal migration pathways must be strengthened alongside these enforcement measures. Punishing illegal migration without offering legal alternatives only pushes desperate people back into the hands of human smugglers. Norway’s decision to send its foreign minister to Pakistan after almost a decade is itself a meaningful gesture. It signals renewed interest in trade, investment, technology and security cooperation. Eide also spoke warmly about the Pakistani community in Norway and its contributions in politics and healthcare. This is a reminder that people to people ties often do more for a relationship than formal agreements alone. Pakistan should use this opening wisely. Counterterrorism cooperation, police training and legal assistance agreements with Norway can strengthen Pakistan’s institutions. Trade and investment talks can bring real economic benefit. None of this happens automatically. It requires consistent follow through from both sides. This visit should not be treated as a one-off diplomatic photo opportunity. It should mark the beginning of a deeper and more regular relationship between two countries that clearly have much to offer each other.

Pakistan has just done something worth celebrating. Standing alongside Saudi Arabia and Türkiye, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has helped bring to life the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, a pact that puts Pakistan right at the centre of a new chapter in regional security. This is not a small achievement. It is proof that Pakistan’s voice still carries weight where it matters most. For decades, Pakistan has built strong ties with Türkiye and Saudi Arabia separately. Now, those ties have been woven into one formal framework. Under this agreement, an attack on one country will be treated as an attack on all three. That is a serious commitment, and Pakistan’s inclusion in it says a great deal about how the region sees Islamabad’s role today. Some commentators have rushed to compare this pact to NATO or to label it a “Muslim NATO.” That framing misses the point. This is not a bloc built to threaten anyone. It is a defensive arrangement built on trust, shared history, and common interest. The three countries have been careful to describe it as a framework for collective security, deterrence, and regional stability, not as a tool aimed at any single rival. What makes this moment especially encouraging is what each country brings to the table. Pakistan offers a battle-tested military and decades of experience fighting terrorism, skills few nations in the world can match. Saudi Arabia brings economic muscle and political influence across the Muslim world. Türkiye contributes a fast-growing defence industry and modern military technology. Put together, these three strengths complement each other in a way that few alliances manage to achieve. For Pakistan, this is more than a defence pact. It is a diplomatic opportunity. Islamabad already maintains working relationships with Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, Iran, China, and the United States. Few countries in the world can claim that kind of reach. This new agreement strengthens Pakistan’s hand further, giving it a bigger seat at the table when regional crises need calm heads and open channels of communication. There is good reason to feel hopeful here. The Middle East and South Asia face real security challenges, from shifting alliances to new military technologies. In this uncertain environment, countries that plan ahead and build partnerships based on trust will be better placed to protect their people and their interests. Pakistan, by joining hands with two important regional powers, has shown exactly that kind of foresight. Of course, agreements on paper only matter if they are followed by real action. The success of this pact will depend on how well Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Türkiye coordinate in the years ahead, and how seriously all three governments honour their commitments. But the foundation being laid here is a strong one. Pakistan has long punched above its weight in regional diplomacy. With the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, it has taken another confident step forward, and that is something every Pakistani can take pride in.

Pakistan and China marked the 99th founding anniversary of China’s People’s Liberation Army at General Headquarters in Rawalpindi. Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir praised the Chinese military and called the friendship between the two nations a bond built on trust. Chinese Ambassador Jiang Zaidong thanked Pakistan for hosting the event and promised continued support under the All-Weather Strategic Cooperative Partnership. The words on both sides were warm, and the friendship is real. It has lasted through decades of change. But warmth alone does not build an economy. Pakistan needs more than ceremonies and speeches. It needs results. China has shown the world what discipline and planning can achieve. In a few decades, it moved millions of people out of poverty. It built factories, highways, ports and technology companies that now compete with the best in the world. Pakistan should study this record closely and ask what lessons apply at home. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor was meant to be a turning point. It has delivered roads and power plants, but progress on trade, industry and jobs has been slow. Pakistan’s leaders talk often about brotherhood with China. They talk far less about learning from China’s work ethic, its focus on exports, and its long-term planning. Friendship between nations should serve the people of both countries. For Pakistan, that means turning diplomatic goodwill into factories that run, exports that grow, and jobs that last. It means learning how China trains its workers, manages its cities, and plans decades ahead instead of just one budget cycle. Pakistan and China have a friendship worth celebrating. But the next chapter of this relationship must move beyond guards of honour and official statements. It must bring real economic change to ordinary Pakistanis.