Swat bombing demands unity, not division

The federal government has taken a step that deserves real appreciation. Every government employee in Islamabad will now undergo mandatory hepatitis screening. This is not a small decision. Hepatitis often hides quietly inside the body. Many patients show no clear symptoms until the disease has already caused serious damage. By making screening compulsory, the government is finally choosing prevention over regret. This initiative falls under the Prime Minister’s Hepatitis Programme. The programme carries a massive allocation of Rs67 billion. That is a serious commitment, not just a token gesture. Employees who test positive will get a free PCR test. Those confirmed positive will receive free medicines. This removes the financial fear that often stops people from seeking treatment. Many patients avoid testing simply because they cannot afford it. This programme removes that barrier completely. More than 50,000 screening kits have already been purchased. PCR testing machinery is now installed at the National Institutes of Health. This shows the groundwork has been done properly, not rushed for show. Early detection saves lives. It also saves the healthcare system from handling advanced, costly cases later. But here is where the government must think bigger. Hepatitis is not a problem limited to Islamabad. It affects cities and villages across Pakistan. Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan all carry a heavy hepatitis burden. If mandatory screening works for federal employees in the capital, there is no reason it cannot work everywhere else.

Balochistan Home Minister Ziaullah Langau escaped an attack on his security squad in Mastung. He praised the police for their quick response. Officers confronted the attackers and forced them to flee before the attack could succeed. Five police personnel were injured in the exchange of fire. Speaking at a press conference in Quetta, the minister said the people of Balochistan have suffered violence for a long time. He urged those hiding in the mountains and carrying weapons to understand that this path leads nowhere. He asked both Baloch and Pashtun communities not to fall for what he called terrorist propaganda. He also asked families to protect their children from this cycle of violence. Langau alleged that terrorists are getting support from India and Afghanistan. He said the government and security forces will keep working to stop terrorism and protect ordinary citizens. This attack raises a question that many people in Balochistan are now asking. For years, we heard about attacks on common citizens, on laborers, on travelers, and on ordinary security checkpoints. Now the attackers are targeting VIPs and even provincial ministers. This shift shows that militants are growing bolder, not weaker. If a home minister’s own security team can come under fire in broad daylight, ordinary citizens have every right to ask why the state’s counter terrorism strategy is not delivering real results. Press conferences and strong statements are not enough. People want to see fewer attacks, not more explanations after each attack. Balochistan has paid a heavy price in blood for many years. Every attack, whether on a common worker or on a top official, adds to that pain. The government must move beyond statements and build a strategy that actually reduces violence on the ground. Until that happens, incidents like Mastung will keep repeating, and the trust between the people and the state will keep weakening.

A court in New Delhi has sentenced former AAP leader Tahir Hussain to life imprisonment for the murder of Intelligence Bureau officer Ankit Sharma during the 2020 Delhi riots. Four other men received the same sentence. This case has been one of the most talked about legal battles to come out of the violence that shook northeast Delhi five years ago. On the surface, this looks like justice being served for a man who lost his life. But many observers, particularly within India’s Muslim community and civil rights groups, view this case with deep unease. Tahir Hussain was a Muslim municipal councillor, and his conviction fits into a wider and troubling pattern many have documented since Narendra Modi’s government came to power. Critics argue that Muslims accused in the 2020 riots have often faced harsher and faster prosecution than Hindu individuals accused of similar or worse violence during the same unrest, where investigations have moved slowly or produced few convictions. Rights groups have long raised concerns about India’s use of anti-terror laws, preventive detention, and prolonged pretrial custody against Muslim activists, students, and political figures since 2019. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have both documented what they describe as a shrinking space for religious minorities to seek justice fairly in India today. Hussain’s supporters argue that he was targeted because of his political visibility and religious identity, not purely because of evidence. This does not mean the court’s findings should be dismissed outright. A judge examined evidence over several years, and Ankit Sharma’s family deserves acknowledgment of their loss. But the broader climate around India’s justice system, especially in communally charged cases, deserves scrutiny. When convictions consistently fall along religious lines, the question of whether the process was truly even-handed becomes impossible to ignore.

The meeting between Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi and Norwegian Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide is a welcome sign for Pakistan. It shows that the country is being taken seriously on the world stage. This editorial argues that the growing warmth between Islamabad and Oslo deserves genuine praise and should be built upon further. For too long, Pakistan has struggled to convince the world that it is a victim of terrorism, not a source of it. Naqvi used this meeting to make that case clearly. He told the Norwegian minister that militant groups are using Afghan soil to launch attacks inside Pakistan. This is a message Pakistan must keep repeating to every foreign visitor. The world needs to understand that Pakistan is fighting a war that was not of its own making. Eide did not just listen politely. He praised Pakistan’s role in the recent US-Iran conflict and called the country’s approach constructive. This is significant. It means Pakistan’s careful diplomacy during a tense regional crisis is being noticed and valued by European leaders. Pakistan should take confidence from this recognition and continue playing the role of a responsible regional actor. The numbers on illegal migration also tell a positive story. A 47 per cent drop in illegal migration from Pakistan to Europe is not a small achievement. It shows that government policy, when applied seriously, produces real results. Naqvi was right to stress that legal migration pathways must be strengthened alongside these enforcement measures. Punishing illegal migration without offering legal alternatives only pushes desperate people back into the hands of human smugglers. Norway’s decision to send its foreign minister to Pakistan after almost a decade is itself a meaningful gesture. It signals renewed interest in trade, investment, technology and security cooperation. Eide also spoke warmly about the Pakistani community in Norway and its contributions in politics and healthcare. This is a reminder that people to people ties often do more for a relationship than formal agreements alone. Pakistan should use this opening wisely. Counterterrorism cooperation, police training and legal assistance agreements with Norway can strengthen Pakistan’s institutions. Trade and investment talks can bring real economic benefit. None of this happens automatically. It requires consistent follow through from both sides. This visit should not be treated as a one-off diplomatic photo opportunity. It should mark the beginning of a deeper and more regular relationship between two countries that clearly have much to offer each other.

The inflation rate has finally slipped back into single digits, and this is genuinely good news. The Pakistan Bureau of Statistics has confirmed that annual inflation fell to 9.2 percent in July 2026, down from 11.1 percent in June. After three straight months of double-digit readings in April, May and June, this drop deserves to be welcomed. It signals that the aggressive monetary tightening and stabilisation measures of the past year are finally showing results. Businesses that had been struggling with unpredictable input costs can now plan with slightly more confidence, and policymakers at the State Bank will have room to consider further easing of interest rates. But the government must resist the temptation to treat this number as a victory lap. A single month of improved statistics does not undo years of erosion in ordinary people’s purchasing power. For the average household in Lahore, Karachi or Peshawar, a fall from 11.1 percent to 9.2 percent is not something felt at the kitchen table. Prices of flour, cooking oil, vegetables and electricity remain far above where they stood two or three years ago. The inflation rate measures the pace of increase, not the level of prices, and that distinction matters enormously to families who are still paying inflated rates for basic goods every single day. The government also needs to be honest about how fragile this improvement is. A large part of the drop is due to the base effect, as last year’s high prices make this year’s comparison look better on paper. Energy prices remain volatile, the rupee is still under pressure, and any external shock, whether from global oil markets or domestic tax measures, could push inflation back into double digits within months. Claiming credit now, without acknowledging these risks, would be premature and would mislead the public about how far there is still to go. Real relief will only come when wages catch up with the cumulative price increases of recent years, when utility bills stop consuming a disproportionate share of household income, and when the cost of food staples becomes predictable again. None of that is reflected in a single month’s inflation reading. The government would do better to treat this figure as a modest and welcome data point, not as proof that the economic crisis facing ordinary Pakistanis has passed. Until people actually feel the difference in their monthly budgets, talk of relief remains premature.

Pakistan has a major opportunity to increase its rice exports to China. Industry experts believe the country could potentially secure exports worth up to $1.5 billion if it moves quickly and adopts the right policies. China is looking for alternative sources of non-Basmati rice as its rice trade with India faces difficulties. This changing situation can open a new market for Pakistani farmers and exporters. But Pakistan must not allow this opportunity to pass by. According to industry representatives, Pakistan already has an advantage. Local farmers grow Chinese hybrid rice varieties, while the country also produces IRRI and other non-Basmati varieties. Pakistan therefore has the production base needed to increase supplies to the Chinese market. China is expected to remain one of the world’s biggest rice importers, with estimated imports of around 3.1 million tonnes in 2025-26. Even a reasonable share of this market could bring valuable foreign exchange to Pakistan. However, increasing exports cannot be achieved simply by asking farmers to produce more rice. The government must first make agriculture more profitable and easier for farmers. Farmers need affordable seeds, fertilisers, electricity, water and modern machinery. They also need access to credit at reasonable interest rates. The government should particularly encourage the cultivation of hybrid rice varieties that meet Chinese market requirements. Agricultural research institutions should work with private companies and Chinese partners to develop better seeds, improve yields and ensure international quality standards. Pakistan should also improve its storage, processing and transportation systems. Farmers often suffer losses because they do not have proper storage facilities and are forced to sell their produce at low prices immediately after harvest. Better warehouses, modern rice mills and efficient transport can reduce these losses and increase farmers’ incomes. The government should also ensure that farmers receive a fair share of the benefits from rising exports. Export growth should not become an opportunity only for middlemen and large traders. Transparent market systems and better links between farmers, exporters and processors are essential. The Pakistan-China Free Trade Agreement and CPEC-related connectivity can further support this effort. Pakistan should use these existing advantages to build a long-term agricultural export strategy. The rice opportunity is a reminder that agriculture can become a major source of foreign exchange and rural prosperity. But this requires a farmer-friendly approach. The government should act now, not after the opportunity disappears. Supporting farmers, improving productivity and opening new export markets can help turn Pakistan’s agricultural potential into real economic growth.