Pakistan and Norway are moving in the right direction

Pakistan’s solar energy story is moving in the right direction, and this deserves praise. Federal Minister for Power Awais Leghari has announced that the country’s solar capacity has now reached 38,000 megawatts. This is a major achievement for a country that relied heavily on imported fuel for decades. The minister shared this update at the Battery Storage Flexibility 2026 Conference, where he also laid out an ambitious target. The government wants clean energy to make up 90 percent of Pakistan’s electricity mix by 2035. Right now, clean energy already accounts for 55 percent of total electricity generation in the country. This is a significant number and shows real progress. The government is not stopping at solar power alone. It is also working on battery storage technology, which allows electricity to be stored and used later. Leghari said Pakistan is building its own battery energy storage industry. This includes local engineering work, system integration and battery management software. The Ministry of Industries is preparing a policy to support battery manufacturing inside Pakistan. A National Battery Energy Storage Framework is also being prepared. This framework will set safety standards, define how batteries connect to the power grid and create rules for investment in the sector. A National Steering Committee has already been formed to guide this work, along with technical and regulatory groups. Pilot battery storage projects have been approved for electricity distribution companies as well. These small projects will help the government understand what works before rolling out bigger plans. All of this progress is worth appreciating. Pakistan is being recognised as one of the fastest growing distributed energy markets in the world. But announcements and targets are only the first step. What matters most now is consistent follow through. The government must ensure that policies are implemented on time, that investors get the transparent framework they were promised and that local manufacturing actually takes off. Clean energy growth must also reach ordinary consumers through lower electricity bills, not just headline capacity numbers. Real sustainability means turning these plans into results that last for decades, not just for one conference speech.

The Punjab government has set the new wheat release price at Rs3,800 per maund. This decision raises a serious question. Why is the province paying more now than it paid to its own farmers. Earlier this year, wheat growers across Punjab sold their crop at rates far lower than Rs3,800 per maund. Many farmers struggled to cover their basic costs. Fertiliser, diesel, and labour prices kept rising, but the government did not offer a fair price at harvest time. Now, months later, the same government is buying wheat from PASSCO at Rs4,150 per maund. This is imported wheat, bought at a much higher cost than what local farmers received. This gap sends a troubling message to the farming community. It tells them that growing wheat at home is less valuable than buying it from abroad. A farmer who works through the heat, spends money on seeds and water, and waits months for the harvest ends up earning less than what the state later pays for imported grain. This is not fair, and it is not sustainable. If this pattern continues, farmers may simply lose interest in wheat cultivation. Punjab is the backbone of Pakistan’s wheat production. If growers shift to other crops or leave farming altogether, the country could face a bigger crisis in the coming years. Food security cannot depend on imports alone. The federal and provincial governments must rethink this approach. Farmers need a support price that reflects their real costs and effort, announced before sowing season begins, not after imports have already been arranged. Punjab also needs to invest in storage and procurement systems so that local wheat is bought and stored efficiently, without forcing the province to rely on costlier imported stock. Protecting the price of roti for consumers is important. But that protection should not come at the cost of the farmer who grows the wheat in the first place.

An eight-member medical board has found that Mir Raza Ali died from a gunshot wound to the back. The board also found several serious injuries on his body from before death. This discovery changes the direction of a case that has drawn wide attention. The report came after a court ordered his grave to be opened at Karachi’s Rehmanial Masjid Graveyard. Doctors found a small entry wound on his upper back. The bullet broke a rib, tore through the heart, and exited from the chest. Doctors also found blood collected under the skin. This shows the injury happened while he was still alive. The doctors found more injuries too. They found bruises on the skull, a broken nose bone, and swelling on the face. There was also a crack running along the back of the skull, filled with dried blood. Marks were found near the throat area as well, though decay in the body made some tests harder to complete. The board has not given a final cause of death yet. Doctors have sent skin, muscle, hair, and bone samples for further testing. This new report turns the case from a missing person search into a suspected murder investigation. The Sindh government deserves credit here. By backing a court-ordered exhumation and a full medical board review, it has given this case a real chance at truth and justice. This kind of careful, science-based approach is exactly what difficult cases like this need. But what we need is a clear and reliable system for postmortem examinations across the board. Every case deserves properly trained doctors, modern lab facilities, and independent oversight from the start. Delays and unclear reports only hurt victims and their families. The Sindh government should build on this case by setting fixed rules for exhumations and postmortems, so families never have to wait years for the truth.

Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) goes to the polls on Monday, July 27, as the first phase of general elections begins in Mirpur division. Chief Secretary Khushal Khan announced on Sunday that all arrangements stand complete, speaking alongside Election Commission Secretary Raja Mohammad Shakeel Khan at a joint press conference. He confirmed the full election process starts July 27, as the constitution requires. Polling material has already reached returning officers. Nearly 17,000 security personnel will guard the vote, with police units from all four provinces supporting the local AJK police. The chief secretary said authorities are closely watching social media. He warned that anyone spreading false propaganda or attempting to disrupt the vote will face strict legal action. AJK has historically recorded strong voter turnout, and he expects the same trend this year. Raja Mohammad Shakeel Khan confirmed Mirpur division votes on Monday, with roughly 22,000 election staff deployed and preparations finalised. The chief election commissioner visited Mirpur personally and expressed satisfaction with the setup. Police, Rangers, and the Federal Constabulary remain on high alert throughout the region. Khan called voting the public’s most powerful democratic tool and urged citizens to participate fully. He addressed old boycott-call videos circulating online, calling them misleading, and confirmed no untoward incident has marred the campaign so far. All political parties and candidates have accepted the code of conduct. A day earlier, the AJK Information Department urged journalists to report responsibly, sharing only verified and balanced information during polling, counting, and results. Reporters were also asked to avoid content that could trigger unrest or confuse voters. This election is a genuine test, not just a formality. Fair conduct matters more than smooth logistics. Every vote must be counted honestly, and every result must be accepted without manipulation, by winners and losers alike. The banned Joint Action Committee needs to absorb a hard truth here. Street agitation has repeatedly failed to deliver lasting change in Kashmir’s political life, while the ballot box remains the only tool that converts public demand into real, recognised power. Boycotting the system does not weaken it; it simply hands the field to others. PTI’s continued absence from the electoral arena tells the same story. Sitting out elections has never once worked as a strategy anywhere, and AJK will be no exception. Democracy rewards participation, not withdrawal, and those choosing silence now may find their voice missing when it matters most.

Pakistan and China are entering a new phase of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, known as CPEC 2.0. This time, the focus is shifting from big government-funded projects to stronger business-to-business ties. This change is a smart and necessary move, but only if Pakistan can actually deliver on it. For years, CPEC meant huge Chinese loans for roads, power plants and infrastructure. Nearly 30 billion dollars went into these projects. They helped fix Pakistan’s energy crisis, but they also added heavy debt. Now, China wants a different kind of partnership, one based on trade, manufacturing and private companies working together instead of government-to-government deals. This shift makes sense. Federal Minister Ahsan Iqbal rightly pointed out that Pakistan’s biggest problem is not a lack of ideas but a lack of exports. China buys goods worth 2.6 trillion dollars every year from around the world, yet Pakistan sells it barely 3 billion dollars worth of products. That gap shows how much room there is to grow, if Pakistan gets its act together. The plan to focus on manufacturing, agriculture, robotics and automation is encouraging. Bringing in small and medium businesses from both countries could create real jobs and real growth, not just concrete and steel. This is the direction Pakistan should have taken years ago. But good intentions are not enough. Pakistan has often struggled to make its industries competitive enough to compete internationally. Poor production standards, red tape and inconsistent policies have held back exporters for decades. Simply announcing a new phase of cooperation will not fix these problems overnight. China, too, seems more cautious this time. It has not yet committed to financing the long-delayed ML-1 railway project, a sign that Beijing wants to see business results before pouring in more money. CPEC 2.0 offers Pakistan a real chance to fix its economy through trade and industry rather than loans. But turning this vision into results will require discipline, consistency and follow-through, qualities that have often been missing in Pakistan’s economic planning.

The country is having an important conversation again. Should the country create new provinces to fix its governance problems? Or should it strengthen local governments and give real power to mayors instead? Federal Minister Mohsin Naqvi recently argued that the current system of governance has become outdated. He warned that without real reform, Pakistan will still face the same problems ten years from now. He is right that something needs to change. Large provinces, especially Punjab, are simply too big to manage efficiently from one provincial capital. But former State Bank Governor Dr Ishrat Hussain offers an important word of caution. He points out that creating new provinces means building an entirely new layer of bureaucracy. Each new province needs its own secretariat, its own cabinet, its own departments, its own buildings and vehicles. All of this adds permanent, recurring costs to a country that is already struggling with debt and financial pressure. Creating a new province does not solve a problem. It often creates an expensive new one. Dr Ishrat Hussain’s proposed solution deserves serious attention. He suggests that instead of drawing new provincial boundaries, Pakistan should strengthen mayoral systems and local governments in every major city. If cities like Lahore, Karachi and Faisalabad were given real financial and administrative powers, with elected mayors controlling budgets and development projects, this could fix governance problems without the heavy cost of new provincial structures. His argument makes sense. The real issue is not how many provinces Pakistan has. The real issue is that power has never properly reached the local level, where problems are actually felt and solved. This is a reasonable middle path. Strengthening city governments should be the first priority. Giving elected mayors genuine control over budgets, infrastructure and daily administration would bring government closer to the people it serves, without adding new layers of expensive bureaucracy. That said, there may still be a limited case for new provinces where genuine historical, linguistic and administrative grounds exist. Punjab is an unusually large province, and two regions within it, the Seraiki belt in the south and the Potohar region in the north, have long-standing and distinct identities, dialects and development needs that differ from central Punjab. If any new provinces are ever created, these two are the most defensible candidates, since they rest on real cultural and administrative logic rather than short-term political convenience. But this should remain the exception, not the rule.