AJK elections test democracy’s strength

The Pakistan Meteorological Department has given a clear warning. Heavy monsoon rains, thunderstorms and strong winds will hit most of the country from July 24 to July 28. Sindh, Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan, Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Kashmir are all on the forecast list. This is not a small warning. It is a signal that the country needs to prepare now, not after the flooding starts. The pattern is familiar. Every monsoon season, cities like Lahore, Multan, Faisalabad, Hyderabad and Sukkur face urban flooding when drains fail to handle the water. Every year, weak buildings, electric poles and trees fall in strong winds. Every year, people in the mountains of Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Kashmir face landslides and flash floods on slippery roads. These are not surprises anymore. They are known risks, and known risks can be managed if the response starts early. This time, the warning has come with enough notice. Provincial governments and disaster authorities have reportedly been placed on alert, and rescue teams and drainage machinery are said to be on standby. This is a good start. But standby is not the same as action. Drains in major cities need to be cleared before the rain falls, not after water is already standing in the streets. Weak buildings and old electric poles in flood-prone areas need urgent inspection now. Ordinary citizens also have a role to play. Farmers should secure their crops and move livestock to safer ground. Families living near canals, rivers and low-lying areas should keep emergency supplies ready and know their nearest safe shelter. Tourists heading to Gilgit-Baltistan, Hunza, Skardu or Neelum Valley should check road conditions before travelling and avoid unnecessary risks during heavy rain. We cannot control the weather. But it can control how ready it is when the weather turns dangerous. The five days ahead will test how well lessons from past floods have actually been learned. 

The latest developments surrounding Imran Khan’s medical examination raise an important question that goes beyond politics: how should a state treat the health and basic rights of a prisoner? According to his sister, Uzma Khan, Imran complained of health problems that he believed were linked to his prolonged solitary confinement. She also described confusion surrounding her visit to the jail and her subsequent arrival at PIMS, where she unexpectedly met her brother during his medical examination. These are her claims and should be independently verified by the relevant authorities. The Supreme Court had already directed that Imran Khan be taken to Shifa International Hospital for a medical examination and that information about his health should not become a political tool. That order should be implemented clearly and without unnecessary controversy. There is also a reasonable question about family access. Imran Khan is a prisoner, and prison authorities have legitimate security responsibilities. But those responsibilities should not unnecessarily prevent close family members from meeting an incarcerated person, particularly when there are genuine concerns about his health. Clear rules, proper security checks and transparent procedures can protect both the prisoner and the state. This position should not depend on political affiliation. When Imran Khan was in power, his government was also criticised for its treatment and public comments regarding prisoners. He and his supporters sometimes appeared dismissive of the concerns of incarcerated opponents. That history should be remembered—not to justify similar treatment today, but to underline an important principle: justice should not change with the identity of the prisoner.

The country is having an important conversation again. Should the country create new provinces to fix its governance problems? Or should it strengthen local governments and give real power to mayors instead? Federal Minister Mohsin Naqvi recently argued that the current system of governance has become outdated. He warned that without real reform, Pakistan will still face the same problems ten years from now. He is right that something needs to change. Large provinces, especially Punjab, are simply too big to manage efficiently from one provincial capital. But former State Bank Governor Dr Ishrat Hussain offers an important word of caution. He points out that creating new provinces means building an entirely new layer of bureaucracy. Each new province needs its own secretariat, its own cabinet, its own departments, its own buildings and vehicles. All of this adds permanent, recurring costs to a country that is already struggling with debt and financial pressure. Creating a new province does not solve a problem. It often creates an expensive new one. Dr Ishrat Hussain’s proposed solution deserves serious attention. He suggests that instead of drawing new provincial boundaries, Pakistan should strengthen mayoral systems and local governments in every major city. If cities like Lahore, Karachi and Faisalabad were given real financial and administrative powers, with elected mayors controlling budgets and development projects, this could fix governance problems without the heavy cost of new provincial structures. His argument makes sense. The real issue is not how many provinces Pakistan has. The real issue is that power has never properly reached the local level, where problems are actually felt and solved. This is a reasonable middle path. Strengthening city governments should be the first priority. Giving elected mayors genuine control over budgets, infrastructure and daily administration would bring government closer to the people it serves, without adding new layers of expensive bureaucracy. That said, there may still be a limited case for new provinces where genuine historical, linguistic and administrative grounds exist. Punjab is an unusually large province, and two regions within it, the Seraiki belt in the south and the Potohar region in the north, have long-standing and distinct identities, dialects and development needs that differ from central Punjab. If any new provinces are ever created, these two are the most defensible candidates, since they rest on real cultural and administrative logic rather than short-term political convenience. But this should remain the exception, not the rule.

Exports rose sharply in July 2026, and this is genuinely good news. According to the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, exports reached 2.939 billion dollars in July, up from 2.242 billion dollars in June. That is a 31 percent increase in just one month. Compared with July last year, exports grew by over 9 percent. This is a strong start to the new fiscal year, and it deserves credit. Much of this growth appears to come from sectors Pakistan knows well, including textiles, food products, leather goods, sports equipment, surgical instruments, and IT services. Government efforts to support exporters and improve industrial production seem to be paying off. But one good month does not make a trend. Pakistan has seen export numbers rise before, only to fall back a few months later. The real question is whether this growth can be sustained through the rest of the fiscal year. A single strong month should not be treated as proof that the country’s export problems are solved. The economy needs exports to grow consistently, not occasionally. The country still runs a large trade deficit, and one good month does very little to fix that. What Pakistan needs is month after month of rising export figures, not a single spike followed by stagnation. This will not happen on its own. It requires stable energy prices, a predictable exchange rate, and continued government support for exporters. It also requires our exporters to sell more products to more countries, instead of depending on the same limited markets. The government should treat this month’s numbers as a starting point, not a finish line. Pakistan does not need one strong export month. It needs many more of them, back to back, for this to actually mean something for the economy.

The Sindh cabinet’s decision to keep Dr Nighat Shah on as a professor at Jinnah Sindh Medical University, right after her retirement, and while the same post is already advertised, is a troubling example of a culture this country must abandon. Rehiring retired officials is not a reward. It is a curse. Every time a retired person is brought back through a special order, one door closes for someone else. Younger doctors, teachers, and officers who have spent years waiting patiently in line for promotion suddenly find that the position they worked toward has been given to someone who was supposed to have already left. This is deeply unfair. It sends a clear message to hardworking juniors that seniority, patience, and merit do not matter. What matters instead is influence. This problem is not limited to government departments. Private organisations often do the same thing. A senior executive retires, and instead of allowing a deserving junior to rise, the company brings the retired person back on contract. The result is always the same. Staff morale suffers. Younger employees lose motivation, because they see no real chance of advancement. Over time, these organisations lose their best talent to competitors who do offer growth. This is one of the quiet reasons many institutions eventually decline. We do not doubt that Dr Nighat Shah has had a distinguished career. Her contributions to gynaecology and obstetrics, and to medical education, are acknowledged. But outstanding achievement does not require staying in the same chair forever. A person of her experience can serve the nation in many other ways. She can mentor young doctors informally. She can join advisory boards. She can write, train, and guide the next generation without occupying a post that others are competing for through proper process. The PMDC policy allowing retired faculty to be retained until the age of sixty five is optional, not mandatory. Institutions are not required to use it. The Sindh cabinet should withdraw this order and let the ongoing selection process proceed fairly. Retired professionals deserve respect and gratitude for their service. What they do not need, and what the country cannot afford, is another door closed on the next generation.

Pakistan has a major opportunity to increase its rice exports to China. Industry experts believe the country could potentially secure exports worth up to $1.5 billion if it moves quickly and adopts the right policies. China is looking for alternative sources of non-Basmati rice as its rice trade with India faces difficulties. This changing situation can open a new market for Pakistani farmers and exporters. But Pakistan must not allow this opportunity to pass by. According to industry representatives, Pakistan already has an advantage. Local farmers grow Chinese hybrid rice varieties, while the country also produces IRRI and other non-Basmati varieties. Pakistan therefore has the production base needed to increase supplies to the Chinese market. China is expected to remain one of the world’s biggest rice importers, with estimated imports of around 3.1 million tonnes in 2025-26. Even a reasonable share of this market could bring valuable foreign exchange to Pakistan. However, increasing exports cannot be achieved simply by asking farmers to produce more rice. The government must first make agriculture more profitable and easier for farmers. Farmers need affordable seeds, fertilisers, electricity, water and modern machinery. They also need access to credit at reasonable interest rates. The government should particularly encourage the cultivation of hybrid rice varieties that meet Chinese market requirements. Agricultural research institutions should work with private companies and Chinese partners to develop better seeds, improve yields and ensure international quality standards. Pakistan should also improve its storage, processing and transportation systems. Farmers often suffer losses because they do not have proper storage facilities and are forced to sell their produce at low prices immediately after harvest. Better warehouses, modern rice mills and efficient transport can reduce these losses and increase farmers’ incomes. The government should also ensure that farmers receive a fair share of the benefits from rising exports. Export growth should not become an opportunity only for middlemen and large traders. Transparent market systems and better links between farmers, exporters and processors are essential. The Pakistan-China Free Trade Agreement and CPEC-related connectivity can further support this effort. Pakistan should use these existing advantages to build a long-term agricultural export strategy. The rice opportunity is a reminder that agriculture can become a major source of foreign exchange and rural prosperity. But this requires a farmer-friendly approach. The government should act now, not after the opportunity disappears. Supporting farmers, improving productivity and opening new export markets can help turn Pakistan’s agricultural potential into real economic growth.