A flood warning system that actually saves lives

The Assembly of States Parties of the International Criminal Court has voted to remove prosecutor Karim Khan. The vote came over sexual misconduct allegations. His legal team has confirmed the move and called it political. The vote happened on Friday. It came at a time when the ICC faces heavy pressure from the United States and Israel. This pressure grew after Khan issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former defence minister Yoav Gallant in 2024. This timing raises serious questions. Tayab Ali, head of Khan’s legal team, said a judicial panel had unanimously found no misconduct or breach of duty by Khan. Yet member states still voted him out. This decision does not follow the evidence. It does not follow the only judicial finding in the matter. That is unacceptable. Khan was removed by an executive vote while under US sanctions and while the court itself sat under enormous political pressure. He was never given a fair chance to be heard. A process built this way cannot claim to deliver justice. It looks like punishment for doing his job. Minute Mirror stands with Karim Khan on this point. An organisation meant to protect international law must not bend to pressure from powerful states. The ICC was built to hold leaders accountable, including leaders backed by strong allies. If prosecutors can be removed the moment they issue warrants against a protected ally, the court loses its purpose entirely. The ICC has failed Karim Khan. It failed to protect its own official from a process that ignored its own judges. It failed to explain why political timing lined up so closely with the Netanyahu and Gallant warrants. Removing him does not erase those warrants, since only ICC judges can withdraw them. But it damages trust in the court at the exact moment the world needed that trust most. Justice must never depend on who a defendant knows in Washington or Tel Aviv.

The inflation rate has finally slipped back into single digits, and this is genuinely good news. The Pakistan Bureau of Statistics has confirmed that annual inflation fell to 9.2 percent in July 2026, down from 11.1 percent in June. After three straight months of double-digit readings in April, May and June, this drop deserves to be welcomed. It signals that the aggressive monetary tightening and stabilisation measures of the past year are finally showing results. Businesses that had been struggling with unpredictable input costs can now plan with slightly more confidence, and policymakers at the State Bank will have room to consider further easing of interest rates. But the government must resist the temptation to treat this number as a victory lap. A single month of improved statistics does not undo years of erosion in ordinary people’s purchasing power. For the average household in Lahore, Karachi or Peshawar, a fall from 11.1 percent to 9.2 percent is not something felt at the kitchen table. Prices of flour, cooking oil, vegetables and electricity remain far above where they stood two or three years ago. The inflation rate measures the pace of increase, not the level of prices, and that distinction matters enormously to families who are still paying inflated rates for basic goods every single day. The government also needs to be honest about how fragile this improvement is. A large part of the drop is due to the base effect, as last year’s high prices make this year’s comparison look better on paper. Energy prices remain volatile, the rupee is still under pressure, and any external shock, whether from global oil markets or domestic tax measures, could push inflation back into double digits within months. Claiming credit now, without acknowledging these risks, would be premature and would mislead the public about how far there is still to go. Real relief will only come when wages catch up with the cumulative price increases of recent years, when utility bills stop consuming a disproportionate share of household income, and when the cost of food staples becomes predictable again. None of that is reflected in a single month’s inflation reading. The government would do better to treat this figure as a modest and welcome data point, not as proof that the economic crisis facing ordinary Pakistanis has passed. Until people actually feel the difference in their monthly budgets, talk of relief remains premature.

The country is trying to build hospitals, schools and jobs for its people. But there is a big problem. The government does not have fresh data on how many people live in the country and what they need. The last full population and health survey was done in 2017 and 2018. This survey is supposed to happen every five years. It has now been many years since it was updated. This is not a small issue. It is a serious weakness that can damage the whole planning system of the country. The Senate Standing Committee on Planning, Development and Special Initiatives raised this concern in a recent meeting. The committee, led by Senator Quratulain Marri, asked why the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics had not completed a new survey on time. This newspaper believes this question deserves a clear answer, not delays. Without updated data, the government is working blindly. It cannot know exactly how many hospitals are needed. It cannot know how many schools should be built. It cannot know how many jobs must be created. Planning without correct numbers is like building a house without knowing how many people will live in it. The committee was also told that a huge amount of money, around Rs1.68 billion, has been spent on importing contraceptives for population welfare programmes. Yet the committee was not satisfied with the answers given about how these contraceptives are being used and how many people are benefiting. This raises a fair question. If the government cannot explain how money is being used, how can citizens trust that the programme is working well? The Pakistan Bureau of Statistics must complete its new survey quickly. The Ministry of National Health Services must explain its spending clearly. Delay and confusion only weaken public trust and hurt the people who depend on these services the most.

Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) goes to the polls on Monday, July 27, as the first phase of general elections begins in Mirpur division. Chief Secretary Khushal Khan announced on Sunday that all arrangements stand complete, speaking alongside Election Commission Secretary Raja Mohammad Shakeel Khan at a joint press conference. He confirmed the full election process starts July 27, as the constitution requires. Polling material has already reached returning officers. Nearly 17,000 security personnel will guard the vote, with police units from all four provinces supporting the local AJK police. The chief secretary said authorities are closely watching social media. He warned that anyone spreading false propaganda or attempting to disrupt the vote will face strict legal action. AJK has historically recorded strong voter turnout, and he expects the same trend this year. Raja Mohammad Shakeel Khan confirmed Mirpur division votes on Monday, with roughly 22,000 election staff deployed and preparations finalised. The chief election commissioner visited Mirpur personally and expressed satisfaction with the setup. Police, Rangers, and the Federal Constabulary remain on high alert throughout the region. Khan called voting the public’s most powerful democratic tool and urged citizens to participate fully. He addressed old boycott-call videos circulating online, calling them misleading, and confirmed no untoward incident has marred the campaign so far. All political parties and candidates have accepted the code of conduct. A day earlier, the AJK Information Department urged journalists to report responsibly, sharing only verified and balanced information during polling, counting, and results. Reporters were also asked to avoid content that could trigger unrest or confuse voters. This election is a genuine test, not just a formality. Fair conduct matters more than smooth logistics. Every vote must be counted honestly, and every result must be accepted without manipulation, by winners and losers alike. The banned Joint Action Committee needs to absorb a hard truth here. Street agitation has repeatedly failed to deliver lasting change in Kashmir’s political life, while the ballot box remains the only tool that converts public demand into real, recognised power. Boycotting the system does not weaken it; it simply hands the field to others. PTI’s continued absence from the electoral arena tells the same story. Sitting out elections has never once worked as a strategy anywhere, and AJK will be no exception. Democracy rewards participation, not withdrawal, and those choosing silence now may find their voice missing when it matters most.

The Senate Sub Committee has once again put the Federal Board of Revenue in an uncomfortable spot, and rightly so. FBR has failed to explain what happened to Rs1120 billion worth of tax exempted imports that entered former FATA and PATA regions between 2018 and 2026. That is not a small sum. It is a number large enough to demand answers, not silence. Why has FBR not provided complete records? Why is a manual tracking system still in place for imports worth over a trillion rupees? These are basic questions, yet the Board seems unable or unwilling to answer them. Every day without proper automated verification is a day that opens the door to goods slipping illegally into taxable markets, undercutting honest businesses and draining public revenue. The tobacco sector adds another layer of concern. Major companies like Pakistan Tobacco Company and Philip Morris Pakistan Limited are now under scrutiny, alongside serious cases of cigarette theft and a tax charge sheet against a senior tax official. When 2,828 cigarette cartons worth Rs25 crore go missing from an FBR warehouse, it raises a simple question: who is minding the store? FBR must stop treating Parliament’s demands as optional. Consumption certificates, tax records, and clear Standard Operating Procedures are not favours to be delayed. They are basic obligations of an institution meant to protect national revenue. Senator Saifullah Abro’s Committee deserves credit for pushing this issue repeatedly. But pressure from one Senate committee cannot substitute for real reform inside FBR. The Board must answer, and answer now, before more billions disappear into the gaps of its own negligence.

A court in New Delhi has sentenced former AAP leader Tahir Hussain to life imprisonment for the murder of Intelligence Bureau officer Ankit Sharma during the 2020 Delhi riots. Four other men received the same sentence. This case has been one of the most talked about legal battles to come out of the violence that shook northeast Delhi five years ago. On the surface, this looks like justice being served for a man who lost his life. But many observers, particularly within India’s Muslim community and civil rights groups, view this case with deep unease. Tahir Hussain was a Muslim municipal councillor, and his conviction fits into a wider and troubling pattern many have documented since Narendra Modi’s government came to power. Critics argue that Muslims accused in the 2020 riots have often faced harsher and faster prosecution than Hindu individuals accused of similar or worse violence during the same unrest, where investigations have moved slowly or produced few convictions. Rights groups have long raised concerns about India’s use of anti-terror laws, preventive detention, and prolonged pretrial custody against Muslim activists, students, and political figures since 2019. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have both documented what they describe as a shrinking space for religious minorities to seek justice fairly in India today. Hussain’s supporters argue that he was targeted because of his political visibility and religious identity, not purely because of evidence. This does not mean the court’s findings should be dismissed outright. A judge examined evidence over several years, and Ankit Sharma’s family deserves acknowledgment of their loss. But the broader climate around India’s justice system, especially in communally charged cases, deserves scrutiny. When convictions consistently fall along religious lines, the question of whether the process was truly even-handed becomes impossible to ignore.