Hunting down tax dodgers with science, not guesswork

The Pakistan Meteorological Department has given a clear warning. Heavy monsoon rains, thunderstorms and strong winds will hit most of the country from July 24 to July 28. Sindh, Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan, Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Kashmir are all on the forecast list. This is not a small warning. It is a signal that the country needs to prepare now, not after the flooding starts. The pattern is familiar. Every monsoon season, cities like Lahore, Multan, Faisalabad, Hyderabad and Sukkur face urban flooding when drains fail to handle the water. Every year, weak buildings, electric poles and trees fall in strong winds. Every year, people in the mountains of Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Kashmir face landslides and flash floods on slippery roads. These are not surprises anymore. They are known risks, and known risks can be managed if the response starts early. This time, the warning has come with enough notice. Provincial governments and disaster authorities have reportedly been placed on alert, and rescue teams and drainage machinery are said to be on standby. This is a good start. But standby is not the same as action. Drains in major cities need to be cleared before the rain falls, not after water is already standing in the streets. Weak buildings and old electric poles in flood-prone areas need urgent inspection now. Ordinary citizens also have a role to play. Farmers should secure their crops and move livestock to safer ground. Families living near canals, rivers and low-lying areas should keep emergency supplies ready and know their nearest safe shelter. Tourists heading to Gilgit-Baltistan, Hunza, Skardu or Neelum Valley should check road conditions before travelling and avoid unnecessary risks during heavy rain. We cannot control the weather. But it can control how ready it is when the weather turns dangerous. The five days ahead will test how well lessons from past floods have actually been learned. 

Rising oil prices are becoming a global emergency, and the blame lies squarely on the actions of the United States, Israel, and their Gulf allies for initiating this ugly war. Crude oil prices are rising fast, and ordinary people everywhere will pay the price. This week, global oil benchmarks jumped to their highest levels in nearly two months. Some cargoes are now trading close to one hundred ten dollars a barrel. Dated Brent, the price used for most of the world’s oil, touched one hundred five dollars and seventy cents on Thursday. This is not a small change. When oil becomes expensive, everything else becomes expensive too. Transport costs rise. Food prices rise. Electricity bills rise. Factories pay more to run machines. Poor countries suffer the most because they cannot absorb these shocks. Rich countries feel the pain too, but developing nations face hunger, inflation, and unemployment on a much larger scale. The real question people should ask is simple. Why is this happening now. The answer points directly at the ongoing confrontation between the United States, Israel, and Iran. Tensions between these sides have pushed the region toward war. Gulf partners aligned with Washington have allowed this dangerous situation to continue instead of pushing for peace. Their silence and their support for aggressive policies have made the crisis worse. The world cannot afford this. The Strait of Hormuz is one of the most important routes for oil shipments. Roughly one fifth of the world’s oil passes through this narrow waterway. Threats to this route create fear across markets, and fear pushes prices higher even before real disruption happens. Kazakhstan’s export terminal on the Black Sea was also hit by drone attacks, cutting the country’s oil output nearly in half. This shows how connected today’s conflicts have become. War in one region shakes markets everywhere. The solution is not complicated. The fighting must stop. The Strait of Hormuz must remain open and safe for all shipping. Iran has suffered heavy losses from sanctions and military pressure, and fair compensation should be part of any lasting settlement. World leaders often speak about protecting the global economy. Now is the time to prove it. The United States, Israel, and their Gulf partners hold real power to de-escalate this crisis. They must choose diplomacy over confrontation, before ordinary families across the world are forced to pay for a war they did not start.

Dharmendra Pradhan is gone, and India’s students deserve credit for this outcome. The Cockroach Janta Party earned this win through patience and courage, not through empty slogans. For ten days, young people faced tear gas and batons. They kept coming back. This kind of discipline is rare among protest movements. Many governments wait out public anger, hoping crowds will tire and go home. The CJP did not tire. It stayed at Jantar Mantar until the government had no choice but to listen. The protest also stayed focused. It began with anger over the NEET examination and irregularities that damaged trust in the whole testing system. Instead of losing direction, the movement grew into a wider call for accountability, transparency, and jobs for young Indians. This growth showed maturity, not chaos. Two rounds of talks failed before Pradhan resigned. That failure could have broken the movement. It did not. Protesters held their ground, and a third round never became necessary. The minister chose to step down first. This shows that sustained peaceful pressure still works in a democracy, even when early negotiations collapse. Credit also belongs to CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke, who kept the movement organised despite police pressure. His simple words to the crowd, delivered after the resignation, captured the moment better than any long speech could. Rahul Gandhi is right to demand more. An apology from the prime minister and action against those responsible for violence against students would complete this chapter properly. Compensation for affected candidates and withdrawal of cases against protesters must also follow, as promised. Still, this resignation is a genuine victory. Young Indians showed that organised, peaceful protest can force accountability at the highest level. The Cockroach Janta Party deserves full credit for proving that persistence changes outcomes.

Pakistan and China marked the 99th founding anniversary of China’s People’s Liberation Army at General Headquarters in Rawalpindi. Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir praised the Chinese military and called the friendship between the two nations a bond built on trust. Chinese Ambassador Jiang Zaidong thanked Pakistan for hosting the event and promised continued support under the All-Weather Strategic Cooperative Partnership. The words on both sides were warm, and the friendship is real. It has lasted through decades of change. But warmth alone does not build an economy. Pakistan needs more than ceremonies and speeches. It needs results. China has shown the world what discipline and planning can achieve. In a few decades, it moved millions of people out of poverty. It built factories, highways, ports and technology companies that now compete with the best in the world. Pakistan should study this record closely and ask what lessons apply at home. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor was meant to be a turning point. It has delivered roads and power plants, but progress on trade, industry and jobs has been slow. Pakistan’s leaders talk often about brotherhood with China. They talk far less about learning from China’s work ethic, its focus on exports, and its long-term planning. Friendship between nations should serve the people of both countries. For Pakistan, that means turning diplomatic goodwill into factories that run, exports that grow, and jobs that last. It means learning how China trains its workers, manages its cities, and plans decades ahead instead of just one budget cycle. Pakistan and China have a friendship worth celebrating. But the next chapter of this relationship must move beyond guards of honour and official statements. It must bring real economic change to ordinary Pakistanis.

Pakistan has just done something worth celebrating. Standing alongside Saudi Arabia and Türkiye, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has helped bring to life the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, a pact that puts Pakistan right at the centre of a new chapter in regional security. This is not a small achievement. It is proof that Pakistan’s voice still carries weight where it matters most. For decades, Pakistan has built strong ties with Türkiye and Saudi Arabia separately. Now, those ties have been woven into one formal framework. Under this agreement, an attack on one country will be treated as an attack on all three. That is a serious commitment, and Pakistan’s inclusion in it says a great deal about how the region sees Islamabad’s role today. Some commentators have rushed to compare this pact to NATO or to label it a “Muslim NATO.” That framing misses the point. This is not a bloc built to threaten anyone. It is a defensive arrangement built on trust, shared history, and common interest. The three countries have been careful to describe it as a framework for collective security, deterrence, and regional stability, not as a tool aimed at any single rival. What makes this moment especially encouraging is what each country brings to the table. Pakistan offers a battle-tested military and decades of experience fighting terrorism, skills few nations in the world can match. Saudi Arabia brings economic muscle and political influence across the Muslim world. Türkiye contributes a fast-growing defence industry and modern military technology. Put together, these three strengths complement each other in a way that few alliances manage to achieve. For Pakistan, this is more than a defence pact. It is a diplomatic opportunity. Islamabad already maintains working relationships with Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, Iran, China, and the United States. Few countries in the world can claim that kind of reach. This new agreement strengthens Pakistan’s hand further, giving it a bigger seat at the table when regional crises need calm heads and open channels of communication. There is good reason to feel hopeful here. The Middle East and South Asia face real security challenges, from shifting alliances to new military technologies. In this uncertain environment, countries that plan ahead and build partnerships based on trust will be better placed to protect their people and their interests. Pakistan, by joining hands with two important regional powers, has shown exactly that kind of foresight. Of course, agreements on paper only matter if they are followed by real action. The success of this pact will depend on how well Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Türkiye coordinate in the years ahead, and how seriously all three governments honour their commitments. But the foundation being laid here is a strong one. Pakistan has long punched above its weight in regional diplomacy. With the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, it has taken another confident step forward, and that is something every Pakistani can take pride in.

The federal government has taken a step that deserves real appreciation. Every government employee in Islamabad will now undergo mandatory hepatitis screening. This is not a small decision. Hepatitis often hides quietly inside the body. Many patients show no clear symptoms until the disease has already caused serious damage. By making screening compulsory, the government is finally choosing prevention over regret. This initiative falls under the Prime Minister’s Hepatitis Programme. The programme carries a massive allocation of Rs67 billion. That is a serious commitment, not just a token gesture. Employees who test positive will get a free PCR test. Those confirmed positive will receive free medicines. This removes the financial fear that often stops people from seeking treatment. Many patients avoid testing simply because they cannot afford it. This programme removes that barrier completely. More than 50,000 screening kits have already been purchased. PCR testing machinery is now installed at the National Institutes of Health. This shows the groundwork has been done properly, not rushed for show. Early detection saves lives. It also saves the healthcare system from handling advanced, costly cases later. But here is where the government must think bigger. Hepatitis is not a problem limited to Islamabad. It affects cities and villages across Pakistan. Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan all carry a heavy hepatitis burden. If mandatory screening works for federal employees in the capital, there is no reason it cannot work everywhere else.