Indian students’ win

Lahore’s old city is finally getting the attention it deserves. Nawaz Sharif, the three time former prime minister, has now been made chairman of the newly formed board of the Lahore Heritage Area Revival project. He has also been named patron in chief of the Punjab Walled Cities and Heritage Areas Authority. This is a welcome change, and it deserves praise. Earlier, Nawaz Sharif only held the title of chief patron. He could give advice, but he had no real power to act. Now, under a new notification issued by the Punjab government, a proper board has been formed. This board has full executive and administrative powers. This means decisions can be made faster, without getting stuck in bureaucratic delays. This move shows something important. A senior political leader is choosing to give his time and attention to restoring the heritage of his own city. Lahore’s old streets, its Mughal era buildings, its Sikh period structures, and its colonial landmarks carry the memory of centuries. For too long, many of these sites were left to decay. Now, with pedestrian zones planned from New Anarkali to Paan Gali, and from Kacheri Chowk to Neela Gumbad, the old city may finally get the dignity it deserves. Nawaz Sharif has a track record of completing large projects on time. Motorways, roads, and infrastructure schemes from his earlier terms are still remembered today. If he brings that same energy to Lahore’s heritage revival, the city stands to gain a great deal. This is not just about buildings. It is about restoring identity, culture, and pride for the people who live there. This is why other politicians across Pakistan should take note. Every city in this country has its own history, its own old markets, its own forgotten buildings. Karachi, Multan, Peshawar, and Quetta all carry stories that deserve to be preserved. Political leaders in these cities should step forward the way Nawaz Sharif has done for Lahore. Owning a city means more than winning votes there. It means protecting its identity for future generations. At the same time, the federal government must think bigger. If provinces and cities can be revived one by one, the whole country can be revived together. Pakistan does not just need leaders who own their cities. It needs a government that owns the entire nation, its heritage, its people, and its future.

Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s accusation against India is not new. Pakistan has said for years that India supports terrorism on its soil. What makes his latest remarks important is the second part of his message. He asked Afghanistan’s interim government to stop militants from using Afghan land to attack Pakistan. This appeal deserves more attention than it usually gets, and it deserves a firmer follow-up from Islamabad.  The facts are hard to ignore. Pakistan has lost more than 90,000 lives fighting terrorism. The recent killing of a session judge in Mastung shows the threat has not gone away. Balochistan, the province where Shehbaz spoke, has suffered the most. It is Pakistan’s largest province by land but its smallest by population, and it has paid a heavy price in blood for years. Attacks on judges, security forces and development projects like the Karachi-Chaman highway are not isolated events. They form a pattern, and that pattern often leads back to groups operating from across the Afghan border. This is why Shehbaz’s appeal to Kabul matters more than his repeated claims about India. Pakistan has raised the India accusation for decades, often linked to the wider Kashmir dispute between the two nuclear-armed neighbours. That argument is familiar and, fairly or not, has become background noise in the region. But the Afghanistan question is different. It is about a neighbour Pakistan helped support for years, a neighbour that now hosts groups accused of attacking Pakistani soil. Kind words about good relations are not enough. Kabul needs to show real action against these groups, not just accept diplomatic requests politely and move on. Pakistan’s government also needs to be honest with itself. Blaming outside forces is easy. Building lasting peace in Balochistan requires more than statements at a workshop. It requires trust from local communities, fair development, and consistent follow-through on infrastructure promises like the Karachi-Chaman road. The National Finance Commission Award, which Shehbaz also discussed, must actually deliver Balochistan’s fair share of resources. Without that, the sense of neglect that fuels unrest will not go away, no matter how many speeches are made about foreign conspiracies. The prime minister is not wrong to raise India’s alleged role or to press Afghanistan for cooperation. But blaming others cannot be the whole strategy. Real security in Balochistan will come from addressing local grievances at home just as firmly as Pakistan confronts threats from across its borders.

The Punjab Revenue Authority has taken a step that deserves praise. It has banned handwritten and manual receipts for hotels, restaurants, coffee shops and marriage halls. These businesses must now use the Electronic Invoice Management System, known as EIMS, to issue receipts. This is a small change on paper, but it can bring a big shift in how Punjab collects tax. For years, many businesses in Punjab have used handwritten slips or given no receipt at all. This made it easy to hide real sales. A shop could tell the tax authority one number and keep the true earnings elsewhere. Customers rarely questioned this, since a handwritten slip looked normal. This habit cost the province huge amounts of tax revenue every year. The new rule closes this gap. Every sale through EIMS gets recorded electronically. This makes it much harder for a business to underreport what it earns. The PRA has also set firm penalties. Businesses that ignore the rule can face fines between four hundred thousand and one million rupees. Repeat offenders risk having their premises sealed for up to a month. These penalties send a clear message that documentation is no longer optional. This move fits into a wider global pattern. Countries that have moved to digital invoicing have generally seen tax collection improve. Pakistan has struggled for decades with a low tax to GDP ratio, and informal cash transactions are one major reason. Punjab’s decision to enforce digital receipts is a practical, low cost way to fix part of this problem. However, this step should be the beginning, not the end. Digital receipts alone do not close every loophole. A business can still issue a proper digital receipt while asking the customer to pay in cash outside the system. The real solution is to make digital payments themselves mandatory alongside digital receipts. If customers are required to pay through cards, mobile wallets or bank transfers, then every transaction leaves a financial trail that is far harder to manipulate. This is simply how modern economies function. From small cafes to large retail chains, digital payments have become the norm across much of the world. Pakistan is lagging behind, and Punjab has an opportunity to lead the way. Encouraging or eventually requiring digital transactions would also benefit ordinary consumers, who would gain better protection through verified records of what they paid and for what. The Punjab government has taken a sensible first step. The next step should be mandatory digital transactions, not just mandatory digital receipts.

Pakistan has just done something worth celebrating. Standing alongside Saudi Arabia and Türkiye, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has helped bring to life the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, a pact that puts Pakistan right at the centre of a new chapter in regional security. This is not a small achievement. It is proof that Pakistan’s voice still carries weight where it matters most. For decades, Pakistan has built strong ties with Türkiye and Saudi Arabia separately. Now, those ties have been woven into one formal framework. Under this agreement, an attack on one country will be treated as an attack on all three. That is a serious commitment, and Pakistan’s inclusion in it says a great deal about how the region sees Islamabad’s role today. Some commentators have rushed to compare this pact to NATO or to label it a “Muslim NATO.” That framing misses the point. This is not a bloc built to threaten anyone. It is a defensive arrangement built on trust, shared history, and common interest. The three countries have been careful to describe it as a framework for collective security, deterrence, and regional stability, not as a tool aimed at any single rival. What makes this moment especially encouraging is what each country brings to the table. Pakistan offers a battle-tested military and decades of experience fighting terrorism, skills few nations in the world can match. Saudi Arabia brings economic muscle and political influence across the Muslim world. Türkiye contributes a fast-growing defence industry and modern military technology. Put together, these three strengths complement each other in a way that few alliances manage to achieve. For Pakistan, this is more than a defence pact. It is a diplomatic opportunity. Islamabad already maintains working relationships with Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, Iran, China, and the United States. Few countries in the world can claim that kind of reach. This new agreement strengthens Pakistan’s hand further, giving it a bigger seat at the table when regional crises need calm heads and open channels of communication. There is good reason to feel hopeful here. The Middle East and South Asia face real security challenges, from shifting alliances to new military technologies. In this uncertain environment, countries that plan ahead and build partnerships based on trust will be better placed to protect their people and their interests. Pakistan, by joining hands with two important regional powers, has shown exactly that kind of foresight. Of course, agreements on paper only matter if they are followed by real action. The success of this pact will depend on how well Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Türkiye coordinate in the years ahead, and how seriously all three governments honour their commitments. But the foundation being laid here is a strong one. Pakistan has long punched above its weight in regional diplomacy. With the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, it has taken another confident step forward, and that is something every Pakistani can take pride in.

The Pakistan Meteorological Department has given a clear warning. Heavy monsoon rains, thunderstorms and strong winds will hit most of the country from July 24 to July 28. Sindh, Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan, Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Kashmir are all on the forecast list. This is not a small warning. It is a signal that the country needs to prepare now, not after the flooding starts. The pattern is familiar. Every monsoon season, cities like Lahore, Multan, Faisalabad, Hyderabad and Sukkur face urban flooding when drains fail to handle the water. Every year, weak buildings, electric poles and trees fall in strong winds. Every year, people in the mountains of Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Kashmir face landslides and flash floods on slippery roads. These are not surprises anymore. They are known risks, and known risks can be managed if the response starts early. This time, the warning has come with enough notice. Provincial governments and disaster authorities have reportedly been placed on alert, and rescue teams and drainage machinery are said to be on standby. This is a good start. But standby is not the same as action. Drains in major cities need to be cleared before the rain falls, not after water is already standing in the streets. Weak buildings and old electric poles in flood-prone areas need urgent inspection now. Ordinary citizens also have a role to play. Farmers should secure their crops and move livestock to safer ground. Families living near canals, rivers and low-lying areas should keep emergency supplies ready and know their nearest safe shelter. Tourists heading to Gilgit-Baltistan, Hunza, Skardu or Neelum Valley should check road conditions before travelling and avoid unnecessary risks during heavy rain. We cannot control the weather. But it can control how ready it is when the weather turns dangerous. The five days ahead will test how well lessons from past floods have actually been learned. 

The government says it closed the financial year with a primary budget surplus of around Rs3.6 trillion. This is the third year in a row that the government has managed this feat. On paper, this looks like good news. It shows fiscal discipline and helps Pakistan meet its IMF targets. But a closer look tells a different story, one that ordinary citizens are living through every day. The surplus was not built on stronger tax collection. The Federal Board of Revenue actually missed its target by nearly Rs1 trillion. Instead, the government leaned heavily on the petroleum levy. Collections from this single source jumped by 28 per cent and crossed Rs1.567 trillion. This levy is charged at Rs80 per litre on petrol and diesel. It hits every citizen directly, from the farmer running a tube well to the daily wage worker commuting to a factory. This is the real problem. A government struggling to widen its tax net is instead squeezing more money out of fuel prices. Every rupee added to the petroleum levy pushes up transport costs. It raises the price of food, medicine and almost everything else that must be moved from one place to another. This is exactly why inflation continues to bite ordinary households, even as officials celebrate a fiscal surplus in press releases. The government now plans to collect Rs1.7 trillion through this levy in the current year. That means more pressure on fuel prices is coming. A surplus achieved through petroleum taxes instead of genuine reform is not a lasting solution. It only shifts the burden onto people who are already struggling with high prices. Pakistan does not need more levies. It needs real tax reform that brings undertaxed sectors into the net, so ordinary citizens are not made to carry the weight of fiscal discipline alone.