Opinion

Thar a name that instantly evokes images of thirst, golden dunes, drought, Marvi, peacocks, the Karoonjhar Hills, rainwater ponds, love, and endless waiting. More than Pakistan’s largest desert, Thar is a living testament to patience, simplicity, love, and humanity’s timeless bond with nature. Here, every moment of life is connected to the sky. Even as the people of Thar walk upon the earth, their eyes remain fixed on the heavens, for their livelihood, livestock, crops, and happiness all depend upon the mercy of the clouds. As if giving voice to the very heart of Thar, Shaikh Ayaz wrote: “Whether it rains or not, Thar remains Thar; But when it rains, fresh blood begins to flow through every vein of life.” The greatest festival of Thar begins with the arrival of the rains. When the first raindrop falls upon the sun-scorched sands, the fragrance rising from the earth carries centuries of longing. It is a scene beyond the power of words. It feels as though the heart of the desert begins to beat again, every grain of sand takes a breath, and every withered plant offers gratitude to the Creator. Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai immortalized Thar through the voice of Marui in his poetry. To Marui, the sands of Thar were more precious than gold because they represented her identity. Shah’s message still echoes across every dune, village, and heart in Thar—that love for one’s homeland is the truest expression of human identity. Whenever Shaikh Ayaz wrote about Thar, his words carried the music of nature itself. For him, the monsoon was not merely a season—it was a revolution. A revolution that transformed barren sands into gardens, thirst into hope, and sorrow into joy. For most of the year, the people of Thar struggle against drought, scorching heat, water scarcity, unemployment, and poverty. Thousands of families migrate to irrigated regions in search of work. Women walk miles every day carrying water. Without grazing land, livestock become weak, and many young people leave for distant cities in search of livelihoods. Yet the moment the monsoon clouds appear on the horizon, lamps of hope begin to glow in every heart. Rain does not merely bring water it opens a new chapter of life. Within days of rainfall, the endless dunes transform into carpets of emerald green. The songs of peacocks, the calls of cuckoos, herds of goats, caravans of camels, and the fragrance of wildflowers carried by the breeze create a symphony that no modern city can ever reproduce. Rain-fed ponds fill with fresh water. Children leap with joy. Herders lead their animals to lush grazing lands. Thari women, dressed in brilliantly colored traditional attire, sing ancient folk songs. The entire landscape becomes a celebration of life. If there is one place where nature reveals its complete magnificence during the rainy season, it is the Karoonjhar Hills of Nagarparkar. When dark monsoon clouds embrace the granite peaks, seasonal waterfalls cascade down the rocks, and sparkling streams descend like ribbons of silver, it seems as though nature herself is painting with every color imaginable. Karoonjhar is more than a mountain it is a symbol of Thar’s history, culture, folklore, and resilience. Standing for centuries, these ancient hills have silently witnessed the rise and fall of civilizations, kings, ascetics, and the enduring stories of the people of the desert. During the rainy season, the famous Gaddi Hill in Mithi transforms into a lively cultural gathering. Families arrive in large numbers to enjoy the pleasant weather. Children delight in swings, visitors savor local cuisine and tea, artisans display handmade crafts, musicians perform on the rabab and algoza, and the warm hospitality of the people of Thar leaves every guest feeling at home. The construction of better roads from Mithi to Nagarparkar has significantly increased the number of visitors, yet much more remains to be done to develop tourism sustainably. Hidden beneath the sands of Thar lies a civilization thousands of years old. The Bhodesar Temples, Gori Temple, Virawah, ancient Jain monuments, historic wells, and old trade routes all stand as silent witnesses to the region’s glorious past. Sadly, many of these invaluable heritage sites still lack proper protection. Time, harsh weather, and neglect continue to erode them. If preserved according to international standards, Thar could become one of South Asia’s most remarkable cultural tourism destinations. However, alongside the beauty brought by the rains, another reality is emerging one that may threaten Thar’s future. Illegal occupation of natural grazing lands, the conversion of sand dunes into agricultural fields, and increasing environmental degradation are disturbing the delicate ecological balance of the desert. Livestock farming has always been the backbone of Thar’s economy. If natural grazing lands disappear, thousands of families will lose their primary source of income. Development that destroys nature is not progress—it is an injustice to future generations. Over the past two decades, climate change has increasingly affected Thar. Irregular rainfall, sudden cloudbursts, prolonged droughts, and extreme heat are steadily altering the region’s fragile ecosystem. The people of Thar still lack many basic necessities. Clean drinking water, quality healthcare, education, and employment opportunities remain scarce in many areas. While the rains temporarily ease their hardships, lasting solutions depend upon thoughtful and sustainable development. Tourism That Can Transform the Economy Thar possesses extraordinary tourism potential. Its breathtaking landscapes, rich cultural heritage, folk music, handicrafts, religious harmony, the majestic Karoonjhar Hills, desert safaris, camel caravans, and traditional cuisine offer experiences unlike anywhere else in the world. To unlock this potential, several important steps are needed: Historic and cultural heritage sites across Thar and Sindh should be preserved and restored, recognizing them not merely as relics of the past but as the identity of future generations. Modern visitor information centers should be established at major historical and cultural attractions to educate tourists about the region’s history, traditions, and natural beauty. Local youth should receive professional training as tour guides, creating employment opportunities while enabling them to confidently present their homeland’s heritage to the world. Tourism should be developed

Distrust in Azad Jammu and Kashmir is linked to a small but organized group that allegedly used social media manipulation, propaganda, and genuine public grievances to create an impression of widespread support disconnected from reality, deepening divisions within society and straining relations between the state and its citizens. The Rawalakot protests are said to have involved only a small fraction of AJK’s population of about four million, with fewer than 40,000 participants at peak attendance and likely around 10,000–15,000 overall, while more than five times that number reportedly traveled from Rawalakot to Rawalpindi on June 6 and 7. Many families moved weddings to Rawalpindi and Islamabad, sick people and schoolchildren left the town, and hundreds of families delayed school and college admissions until August because of the disruption. Most residents remained away from the protests to protect their families, forming a “silent majority,” while around 90 percent of people in other districts are said not to support the protesters’ agenda. Large political rallies in Muzaffarabad, Kotli, Dhirkot, and Bhimbar are taken as evidence of stronger support for the constitutional political process than for the Rawalakot sit-in. Around 10,000–15,000 protesters are held responsible for disrupting daily life, damaging the economy, creating fear and uncertainty, and causing disorder over an issue that could have been resolved through legislation, dialogue, and democratic institutions rather than confrontation and violence. Aided by a few journalists acting as propagandists, the movement is accused of using manipulated images, fake news, and emotional appeals to create the impression that the whole of Azad Kashmir supports it, even though the participants are said to constitute less than 10 percent of Rawalakot’s own population.   The government has addressed many demands by reducing electricity and flour prices, abolishing refugee ministries, reducing the number of ministers, halving the property transfer tax, completing the Rathwa Hariyam Bridge, withdrawing FIRs and legal cases, compensating the families of those killed and 56 injured people, providing a government job to Azhar’s brother, approving a Rs. 5.5 billion PC-1 for MRI facilities, and approving a Rs. 9 billion PC-1 to improve the power transmission system.   The application to make Azad Kashmir Bank a scheduled bank has been submitted to the State Bank of Pakistan, a move that will strengthen the financial sector and provide greater access to banking services for the people. The health card has been restored, a vital social safety net program that provides access to medical care for those who cannot afford it, and its restoration was a major victory for the people. Two new boards of education have been established, decentralizing the education system and allowing for more focused and effective administration of schools. The Mansehra, Muzaffarabad and Mangla expressways are included in the CPEC project, a game-changing development that will bring massive investment, improve connectivity, and create economic opportunities for the region. The establishment of Mirpur Airport was announced by the Prime Minister of Pakistan on live television, a major milestone that will open up the region to the world and facilitate trade and tourism, and work on the feasibility has started, with the project now moving from the planning stage to reality. The quota system has ended, a long-standing demand that was seen as discriminatory and unjust, and its abolition was a major step towards equality and fairness. Additional departments were abolished and merged with existing departments, a move that reduced bureaucracy and made the government more efficient. The e-tendering of electricity meters was approved, a reform that will ensure transparency and fairness in the procurement process. The demand for 30 KVA for schools and colleges was approved, and the notification has been issued, ensuring that educational institutions will have access to a reliable power supply. Now, among the remaining demands, there is a demand for 4 tunnels and bridges, infrastructure projects that are undeniably needed and would greatly benefit the people, but in reality one single tunnel is estimated to be completed in 10 billion rupees, and the total development budget of Azad Kashmir is less than 40 billion rupees, meaning that these projects cannot be built overnight. The government or no one has any magical capabilities, and no airport, bridges, and tunnels can be built overnight, as they require years of planning, feasibility studies, environmental assessments, and massive financial outlays that must be spread over many years.   In fact, after approving so many demands, after demonstrating such a clear willingness to address the grievances of the people, to insist on only one remaining demand and to lay siege to the entire region and paralyze the lives of millions, one must ask a crucial question: is it the stubborn government or the action committee that is being unreasonable?   The so-called peaceful revolutionary sit-in of the banned Joint Action Committee has been completely exposed for what it really is, and the mask of peaceful protest has slipped to reveal the ugly face of violent insurgency. Their so-called rational teams, which were presented as peaceful negotiators and organizers, are in fact positioned on rooftops with state-of-the-art SMG guns and ultra-expensive military binoculars, and their purpose is not to maintain order but to monitor the security forces on the ground, tracking their movements and planning for a confrontation. This is not a political sit-in, which is a legitimate form of protest in a democracy, but a planned military confrontation against the security forces of the state, a deliberate strategy to provoke a reaction and to create martyrs. Recently a banned Action Committee’s leader made a revealing statement, admitting to the supply of modern US-made M4 rifles to troublemakers, a serious accusation that confirms the armed nature of the group and its intent to use violence against the state. The banned JAAC is using fake and AI generated videos and posts to get the support of the people, manufacturing evidence and creating a false reality to manipulate public opinion, and these fabricated materials are spread widely on social media to create a sense of crisis and to incite hatred.

By Tuba Khan  Cheating in the education sector is an issue of great concern. It is not merely an academic breakdown, but the foundation upon which corrupt values are built. Unfortunately, cheating culture has become a defining feature of Pakistan’s education system and is considered a normal practice instead of a moral failure. This dysfunctional culture has led to the production of highly qualified people with unproductive minds, weak analytical abilities and limited potential to play a transformative role in society. Academic cheating is a conscious effort to use unfair means during exams to gain educational credit. Common cheating practices include, paper leaks, copied material in exams, using AI chatbots and technological devices such as mobile phones, smartwatches and other digital gadgets, receiving help from others during examination and hiring another person to sit in exams on behalf of the original candidate. Shockingly, in some cases, invigilators themselves facilitate cheating in the exam hall. Pakistan clearly lags behind other countries worldwide in the research field because of its corrupt education system that discourages creativity and problem-solving skills and is based on rote learning. International reports highlight the declining quality of education in Pakistan. According to the World Top 20 (WT20) International Education Database 2026, Pakistan is ranked 136th out of 164 countries globally in terms of the quality of education. Culture of cheating reflects the education crisis in Pakistan. This menace is prevalent in all four provinces of Pakistan. Sindh and Balochistan have recorded the highest number of cheating cases. As per the reports released by the Board of Secondary Education Karachi in 2022, around 100 students were caught cheating during exams and 400 cell phones were confiscated in the course of just two days (May 21-22). Later it was discovered that 18 people had appeared in exams on behalf of original candidates. KPK and Punjab also depict a pathetic picture. Earlier this year, candidates at the Khurrianwala Government Girls High School were found cheating and copying from paper slips with the connivance of invigilation staff. Even the provincial capitals, Lahore and Peshawar, having well-known educational institutes have the same culture. Not only schools and colleges, but the universities are also prone to it. Many factors contribute to this toxic culture, including staff shortage, overcrowded examination centers, weak institutional policies, poor performance of teachers, habitual laziness among students and staff, low level of students’ interest in studies and a lack of awareness about moral values. Consequences of cheating are not limited to examination centers only, but extend to the whole society. Academic institutes are meant to produce ethical, responsible and intellectual citizens, but the cheating culture is eroding the very essence of education. In most of Pakistan’s educational institutes, students learn that success is determined not by merit, knowledge and hard work, but by shortcuts and dishonest practices. They learn how to undermine the rights of the honest ones for the sake of their personal interests. This mindset is leading towards the moral decay of society. Learners who develop the habit of achieving success through unfair means during academic years may apply the same tactics to gain influence when they come into power, fostering corruption in the country. Students don’t even realize the damage they are causing to themselves by cheating. For the short-term happiness of success, they often expose themselves to long-term consequences as cheating sabotages their self-confidence, ability to think critically and form independent opinions. Such students score high and even secure top positions in their educational institutes, but often fail to compete in the global job market, where analytical ability and practical skills are valued more than the high scores. When dishonesty is tolerated in classrooms, it puts the future of students at stake and the entire society suffers the consequences. Education sector needs comprehensive reforms. The Government of Pakistan should allocate enough financial resources to the educational institutions, recruit competent staff, strengthen surveillance in exam halls, introduce teacher training programmes, hold the students and staff accountable for their involvement in the debacle of cheating. Examination halls should be monitored and students should be thoroughly checked before entering examination centers so that they cannot carry any digital device or cheating material with them. Exams should be conceptual promoting effective learning and fair assessment. Schools, colleges and universities should educate their students about the importance of intellectual growth and honesty. Cheating must be met with strict actions. A nation cannot expect honest leaders unless the education system is fair. If Pakistan really needs a corruption-free system, the struggle must begin within the classrooms. In a nutshell, by eliminating the culture of cheating, Pakistan will be able to nurture a generation that values meritocracy, thus paving the way for a more just and progressive future.

By Misbah Naz   Democracy derives its legitimacy from the principle that political power belongs to the people. Every citizen, regardless of family background, wealth, or social status, should have an equal opportunity to participate in governance and compete for public office. Yet, across many democracies, political power often remains concentrated within a handful of influential families. This phenomenon, commonly known as dynastic politics, raises an important question: can democracy truly flourish when leadership becomes a family inheritance? Political dynasties are not unique to one country or region. They exist in established and emerging democracies alike. From South Asia to North America, prominent political families have shaped electoral politics for decades. While family members have every democratic right to contest elections, democracy suffers when political succession depends more on lineage than merit. One of the greatest strengths of democracy is political equality. Elections are intended to provide a level playing field where ideas, competence, and public service determine electoral success. Dynastic politics undermines this principle by granting inherited political advantages. Established family names often enjoy greater access to party leadership, campaign financing, media exposure, and political networks than ordinary citizens. Consequently, capable individuals without influential backgrounds frequently struggle to enter mainstream politics. Dynastic politics also weakens internal democracy within political parties. Instead of selecting candidates through transparent and competitive processes, leadership positions may be concentrated within a single family or close associates. This discourages talented young leaders, limits political innovation, and reduces accountability. Political parties become personality-driven rather than institution-driven, making leadership transitions more dependent on family succession than democratic competition. Another concern is the weakening of public trust. Citizens expect elected representatives to prioritize national interests over personal or family influence. When political office appears to be inherited across generations, many voters begin to question whether democratic institutions genuinely offer equal opportunities. Declining trust in political institutions can reduce electoral participation, increase political polarization, and create public frustration with democratic governance. Political dynasties may also influence policymaking. Long-standing political families often develop extensive patronage networks that reward loyal supporters through appointments, contracts, or political favors. Such systems can encourage nepotism and undermine merit-based governance. Public institutions function most effectively when appointments are based on competence rather than political loyalty or family connections. Young people are particularly affected by dynastic politics. Across many developing democracies, youth constitute a significant proportion of the population, yet they remain underrepresented in political leadership. When political pathways are dominated by established families, emerging leaders with innovative ideas face structural barriers to participation. This disconnect between political leadership and demographic realities limits democratic renewal and policy innovation. However, it is equally important to avoid oversimplification. Belonging to a political family does not automatically make an individual an ineffective leader. Democratic principles do not prohibit relatives of politicians from contesting elections. The fundamental issue is whether they compete under fair conditions and remain accountable to voters. If political success is achieved through transparent elections, strong institutions, and genuine public support, democratic legitimacy remains intact. Problems arise when inherited influence consistently outweighs merit and competition. Strengthening democracy therefore requires institutional reforms rather than targeting individuals. Political parties should adopt transparent candidate selection procedures, encourage internal elections, and provide opportunities for grassroots leadership. Independent election commissions, campaign finance regulations, and stronger parliamentary oversight can further reduce undue political concentration. Equally important is an informed electorate that evaluates candidates on integrity, competence, policy vision, and public service instead of family legacy alone. Democracy is sustained not merely by regular elections but by equal political opportunity. Societies flourish when leadership emerges through merit, accountability, and public confidence rather than inheritance. Political dynasties may continue to exist in democratic systems, but they should never become substitutes for democratic competition. Ultimately, the health of any democracy depends on whether every citizen—not just those born into influential families—has a genuine chance to lead.

By Ali Haider Iran’s nuclear program has been frequently described as defiance of the West. But the history reveals a different picture. It appears paradoxical that the very infrastructure of the nuclear facilities in Iran was built under the patronage of the Americans during the Cold War period. The project, which initially symbolized cooperation between Washington and Tehran, became one of the most dangerous confrontations in international relations. This transformation demonstrates how alliances shift in geopolitics.   The roots of the Iranian nuclear program can be traced back to the Cold War period in which the United States and the USSR were locked in idealogical and geopolitical rivalry. In 1950s, when the two superpowers were trying to increase their sphere of influence on the planet by establishing new alliances, US President Dwight Eisenhower introduced the initiative “Atoms for Peace” in 1953. On surface level, the program was devoted to the peaceful use of nuclear energy, however, it fulfilled the geopolitical interests of Washington as well. Several countries, including Pakistan, India, Japan, South Korea, Turkey, and Iran get benefited from the program. Yet the degree of aid was dependent on the strategic significance of each country. Iran, under the rule of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, became one of Washington’s closest regional allies. When Mohammad Mossadegh came to power in 1953, he nationalized the Iranian oil industry that ultimately affected British economic interests and aroused American fear that Iran would align with the Soviet Union. In order to save Iran from becoming a Soviet ally, the CIA, along with Britain’s MI6, undertook Operation Ajax, resulting in the ouster of Mossadegh and the restoration of power to the Shah. Such close relations between the United States and Shah Reza Pahlavi facilitated the signing of a civil nuclear cooperation agreement in 1957. The United States helped establish the Tehran Research Reactor, aided Iran with highly-enriched uranium to be used as reactor fuel and provided training to Iranian scientists in American universities. At that time, the nuclear aspirations of Iran did not provoke any concerns in the global community due to the fact that the country was considered a loyal ally of the United States. The technology that is now considered a threat by USA, used to be advertised by Washington itself as a tool of development. The situation changed drastically after the 1979 Islamic Revolution when Shah was overthrown and the Islamic Republic of Iran was created under Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini who pursued the agenda of anti-Americanism. Seizure of the US Embassy in Tehran and the resulting hostage crisis broke off diplomatic relations and transformed allies into bitter enemies. Initially, Iranian leadership suspended its nuclear program, and Khomeini showed religious concerns about it. However, soon the Iran-Iraq War changed the perspective of Iranian leaders.In the ensuing years, Iran started rebuilding its nuclear program with the help of Russia and China, while at the same time pursuing the development of uranium enrichment facilities independently. This dramatic reversal transformed Iran’s nuclear program from a symbol of strategic partnership into a source of deep geopolitical mistrust that continues to shape Western policy toward Tehran. Matters came to a head in 2002, when the National Council of Resistance of Iran revealed the existence of two undeclared facilities, Natanz and Arak. Subsequent inspections of the sites by the International Atomic Energy Agency found no evidence of an active nuclear weapons program, but criticized Iran for not reporting certain nuclear activities before. This became the core of the conflict: the West demanded transparency from Iran, while Iran claimed that its rights were enshrined in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Gradually, the situation developed into an international crisis. In 2006, the IAEA referred the case of Iran to the UN Security Council, after which the UN imposed a series of sanctions on Iran for refusing to stop the enrichment program. The US and EU imposed sanctions on Iran and restricted its banking system and oil exports, these sanctions brought Iran’s economy to its knees, causing severe damage to its currency. However, unprecedented economic pressure did not cause Iran to abandon its enrichment program.The Iranian case demonstrates that technological capability alone is rarely the real source of international conflict; rather, it is the absence of trust and transparency that transforms civilian nuclear technology into a geopolitical crisis. In 2015, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action was signed which was considered the most important non-proliferation deal in the modern world. Iran was willing to place strict limits on the enrichment of uranium, reduce its enriched uranium stocks, and make changes to its nuclear sites in return for the lifting of the sanctions. This deal proved that effective diplomacy can be used to manage the risk of nuclear proliferation instead of coercion. Nonetheless, this was short-lived. The success of the JCPOA, despite its eventual collapse, illustrated that diplomatic engagement can achieve outcomes that years of sanctions and pressure often fail to deliver. In 2018, President Donald Trump left the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action saying that the deal overlooked the ballistic missile program, activities in the region, and the sunset clauses. America re-imposed tough sanctions and put maximum pressure on Iran. This move did not make Iran sign another deal but led Iran to abandon all of its commitments step-by-step and expanded uranium enrichment to levels of up to 60%. Indeed, the nuclear question is still relevant today. The program that was developed with the assistance of the US nearly seven decades ago has now become America’s major concern. Iran claims that its nuclear program is purely peaceful, whereas the US and its Western allies believe that increasing enrichment capacity of the country may pave the way for developing nuclear weapons. Sanctions could not prevent Iran from developing its nuclear capacities, whereas the JCPOA demonstrated that negotiation and transparency measures can be far more efficient in preventing proliferation than coercion. The history of Iran’s nuclear program illustrates two important lessons. First, it is not the technology that causes conflict between states, but mistrust. Second,

By Mehak Ali Pakistan is a country united by diverse cultures, languages, and provinces. Sindh, Punjab, Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Gilgit-Baltistan, and Azad Jammu and Kashmir together form a nation blessed with breathtaking mountains, mighty rivers, vast deserts, fertile plains, and a strategically significant location. These natural blessings make Pakistan one of the most important countries in South Asia. ‎Yet, despite these advantages, millions of citizens continue to struggle with basic issues. Every day, news headlines report murders, sexual violence, malnutrition, unemployment, floods, illiteracy, inflation, gas shortages, electricity outages, and rising fuel prices. These are not isolated incidents; they are challenges that affect the daily lives of ordinary Pakistanis. ‎Citizens pay taxes with the expectation that the government will provide quality education, healthcare, infrastructure, security, and economic opportunities. When these expectations remain unfulfilled, frustration naturally grows. Good governance is not measured by speeches or publicity but by improvements in the lives of the people. ‎The condition of Sindh, particularly in many rural areas, reflects these concerns. Damaged roads, overflowing garbage, poor sanitation, and inadequate public services make everyday life difficult. Similar concerns are voiced by people in Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and other regions, where many continue to demand better facilities, development, and equal opportunities. ‎Farmers work tirelessly under the scorching sun to feed the nation. Employees spend long hours in offices to support their families. Students invest years in education, yet many remain unemployed even highly qualified graduates and researchers struggle to find suitable jobs. Meanwhile, poverty, heat-related illnesses, and malnutrition continue to claim innocent lives. ‎In a democratic society, peaceful protest is a constitutional right. When citizens raise their voices for justice, development, or equal treatment, they deserve to be heard with dialogue rather than confrontation. The unrest in Azad Jammu and Kashmir reminds us that citizens’ grievances whether related to economic hardships, political representation, or governance must be addressed through dialogue, accountability, and peaceful solutions rather than allowing frustration to turn into violence. Listening to the concerns of the people strengthens democracy and builds trust between the government and its citizens. ‎Despite these challenges, Pakistan remains our home, and we are proud to be Pakistanis. Criticizing shortcomings does not mean we love our country any less. On the contrary, it reflects our hope for a better future. We dream of a Pakistan where every citizen enjoys equal rights, where public resources are used responsibly, where justice prevails, and where no one is left behind because of their province, ethnicity, or economic status. ‎Pakistan has immense potential. What it needs is sincere leadership, transparent governance, and policies that place the welfare of the people above all else. Only then will every citizen be able to say with confidence and pride: Yes, we are Pakistanis, and we are truly united.

By Noreen Raza Pakistan’s waste challenge is no longer only a question of sanitation; it has become a question of climate resilience, environmental governance, resource security, and sustainable development. For decades, waste management has largely been viewed as a municipal responsibility focused on collection, transportation, and disposal. However, the realities of climate change, rapid urbanization, resource depletion, and ecosystem degradation require a fundamental shift in approach. Pakistan’s future waste strategy cannot depend only on moving waste from one place to another. It must transition from a linear “take, make, and dispose” model towards a circular economy where materials are valued, recovered, and reused. The urgency of this transformation is evident from Pakistan’s increasing climate vulnerability. The devastating floods of 2022 demonstrated how environmental challenges can quickly become national development crises. According to the World Bank-led Post-Disaster Needs Assessment, the floods affected approximately 33 million people, caused damages exceeding US$14.9 billion, and resulted in economic losses of around US$15.2 billion. The disaster highlighted the importance of climate-resilient infrastructure, improved planning, and stronger environmental management. Although climate disasters are often associated with extreme weather events, poor environmental management can increase their impacts. Plastic waste blocking drainage systems, unmanaged dumping sites, and pollution of waterways can worsen urban flooding and damage ecosystems. Waste management, therefore, should not be treated as an isolated municipal service; it must become an essential component of Pakistan’s climate adaptation strategy. The traditional linear economic model has created significant environmental pressures. Extracting resources, producing goods, consuming them, and disposing of waste after use places continuous stress on natural systems. Open dumping and uncontrolled disposal contribute to soil and water contamination, while organic waste decomposing in unmanaged sites releases methane, a powerful greenhouse gas. Open burning of waste further contributes to air pollution and creates risks for public health. The global waste challenge is also increasing. The World Bank’s What a Waste 3.0 report highlights that global municipal solid waste generation reached approximately 2.56 billion tons in 2022 and could increase to 3.86 billion tons by 2050 under a business-as-usual scenario. Developing regions, including South Asia, face growing pressure due to rising waste volumes and limited waste management capacity. Pakistan faces similar challenges. Population growth, expanding urban areas, changing consumption patterns, and increasing use of packaged products are contributing to rising waste generation. However, limited segregation at source, insufficient recycling infrastructure, and inadequate resource recovery systems prevent waste from being transformed into valuable materials. This challenge also represents an opportunity. Waste should no longer be considered only an environmental burden; it must be recognized as a resource that can support climate mitigation, economic development, and sustainable resource management. A circular economy provides a practical pathway towards this transformation. Unlike the linear model, circular systems focus on preventing waste generation, extending product life cycles, promoting reuse and repair, increasing recycling, and recovering valuable resources. Such approaches reduce dependence on virgin materials, conserve natural resources, and support cleaner economic growth. The benefits of circularity extend beyond municipal waste. Industrial and agricultural waste streams also contain valuable resources that are often overlooked. Organic waste can be converted into compost or used for energy recovery. Recyclable materials can return to production cycles, reducing pressure on natural resources. Construction waste can be recovered for infrastructure development, while improved wastewater management can support water conservation and resource recovery. Pakistan’s industries provide important examples of this opportunity. Several industrial by-products can potentially be converted into useful resources rather than being treated as waste. Ash generated from industrial processes, including power generation and agro-based industries, has potential applications in cement production, construction materials, and other resource recovery pathways. Similarly, agricultural residues such as bagasse ash from sugar industries and rice husk ash can be utilized through appropriate technologies. However, due to limited awareness, inadequate recovery systems, weak industrial linkages, and insufficient technical guidance, many such materials continue to accumulate in open storage areas or are disposed of near agricultural lands. These practices may create environmental concerns, including dust pollution, land degradation, and risks to surrounding ecosystems. Transforming these materials into productive inputs requires stronger collaboration between industries, regulators, researchers, and end users. The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), through its Global Waste Management Outlook 2024, emphasizes that sustainable waste management requires moving away from disposal-focused approaches towards prevention, resource efficiency, and circular economy solutions. However, Pakistan’s transition towards circularity cannot depend only on technology. Strong environmental governance must remain the foundation of sustainable waste management. Effective coordination among federal, provincial, and local institutions, improved regulatory enforcement, reliable environmental data, and climate-informed planning are essential. Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs), environmental monitoring systems, and compliance mechanisms play an important role in ensuring that waste-related infrastructure operates responsibly throughout its lifecycle. Waste management should also be integrated with urban planning, industrial development, water management, and climate policies. Technology can further strengthen this transition. Geographic Information Systems (GIS), remote sensing, satellite monitoring, and digital reporting platforms can improve waste mapping, identify illegal dumping areas, optimize collection systems, and support evidence-based environmental decision-making. A sustainable circular economy must also be socially inclusive. Across Pakistan, informal waste workers contribute significantly to recycling and material recovery, yet many work under unsafe conditions without adequate protection or formal recognition. A just transition should integrate these workers into formal systems through training, occupational safety measures, and improved livelihood opportunities. Women should also be recognized as important contributors to emerging green sectors. Expanding opportunities for women in recycling enterprises, environmental entrepreneurship, and community-based sustainability initiatives can strengthen both environmental outcomes and social inclusion. Public participation remains equally important. Governments cannot achieve circularity alone. Communities, industries, educational institutions, and civil society must contribute through waste segregation, responsible consumption, reduction of single-use plastics, and environmental awareness. Pakistan’s climate commitments and sustainable development objectives require integrated solutions that connect waste management with biodiversity conservation, pollution control, resource efficiency, and climate resilience. Circular economy principles should become part of national and provincial development planning rather than being viewed only as a waste sector initiative. The success of Pakistan’s waste sector should

I have lived long enough, and travelled enough, to know that a buggy ride is royal. This week, a buggy ride was held in Islamabad and that ride has become a centre of all drawing room discussions. Let me start with what I have seen with my own eyes, many times over, on the streets of London. I walk those streets often, and I see mounted police there almost every week. Big handsome horses, officers sitting tall in the saddle, moving through crowds at football matches, at protests, at royal parades. But here is the thing I want you to notice. Those horses are working. The officer on that horse is doing a job. He is controlling a crowd, keeping an eye on trouble, making sure that thousands of people move safely through narrow streets. Nobody in London looks at a mounted police officer and thinks of him as a king. They think of him as a policeman who happens to have four legs helping him do his job better than two legs could. Then there is the other side of the horse story in London, the royal family. Once or twice a year, you will see the King or a prince ride out in a grand carriage, gold trim, footmen in uniform, the whole show. And it is exactly that, a show. It is theatre, built on centuries of tradition, and everybody watching knows exactly what it is. Royalty is a different breed. Nobody expects the King to explain why he has running water or why the country’s roads have potholes. He was born into that role, and the carriage is part of a costume that comes with the job. People do not confuse that costume with the daily business of government. Now bring me back home, to Islamabad, on our own Independence Day. I watched the video like everybody else did. The chairman of the Capital Development Authority and the inspector general riding in a horse drawn carriage, arriving grandly at the ceremony. And I felt they were not kings. This was not centuries of tradition. This was a serving civil servant and a serving police officer, the very same officers who are supposed to answer to the public every single day, arriving like they were opening a coronation. Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi explains the story behind that ride. He said what happened was not appropriate, but insisted it was not the fault of the IG or the chief commissioner. He says that he and the chief guest were delayed because of the president’s meeting with the prime minister, and that the crowd had been waiting since five in the evening. Around six, when it was clear they would be late, he says he told the officers to start the programme so the public would not have to wait any longer. The buggy, he said, had been arranged for the chief guest, and the officers were only supposed to ride with him, but due to unavoidable circumstances they ended up using it alone. He added that both officers had initially resisted starting the program without him, and that he personally instructed them to proceed, for the convenience of the public. I keep thinking about that journalist who asked a simple, honest question. Have you ever seen the police commissioner of London ride around in a royal buggy? The answer, of course, is no. Because he knows his job is to serve, not to be served. That is the whole difference in one sentence. A horse carriage is a fine thing, in the right hands, for the right reason. In London, it either works, or it performs. In Islamabad this week, it did neither. It simply left a bad taste in everybody’s mouth.

Post-Doctorate (Peace Education) International Islamic University Islamabad The trilateral relationship between Pakistan, Türkiye, and Saudi Arabia represents one of the most significant geopolitical partnerships in the Islamic world, with the potential to reshape regional dynamics and contribute meaningfully to global peace and stability. These three nations, each wielding considerable influence in their respective spheres, share common interests rooted in Islamic solidarity, strategic cooperation, and mutual security concerns. As the world navigates increasingly complex challenges including terrorism, economic instability and geopolitical tensions, the collaboration between these three countries offers a pragmatic pathway toward addressing regional conflicts and fostering sustainable development. This essay examines the historical foundations of this trilateral relationship, analyzes the contemporary opportunities and challenges facing these nations, and proposes a comprehensive vision for how Pakistan, Türkiye, and Saudi Arabia can work collectively to promote peace, stability, and prosperity in their regions and beyond. The relationship between Pakistan, Türkiye, and Saudi Arabia is deeply rooted in shared Islamic heritage and Cold War-era strategic alliances. Pakistan and Türkiye have maintain diplomatic relations since Pakistan’s independence in 1947, with both nations viewing themselves as guardians of Islamic values while navigating the complexities of secular governance and regional stability. Saudi Arabia, as the custodian of Islam’s holiest sites and a major regional power, has historically served as a financial and ideological anchor for both Pakistan and Türkiye. These connections intensified during the Soviet-Afghan War when all three nations collaborated to support Afghan resistance movements, establishing patterns of military cooperation and intelligence sharing that persist today. The geographical positioning of these three nations makes their cooperation particularly valuable. Pakistan serves as a bridge between the Middle East and South Asia, Türkiye controls critical waterways and straddles Europe and Asia, while Saudi Arabia dominates the Arabian Peninsula and maintains substantial economic influence globally. Together, they represent a population exceeding 250 million people and combined GDP that makes them economically significant actors in the Islamic world. Their combined military capabilities, particularly Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal and Türkiye’s advanced defense industry, provide them with considerable strategic weight in global affairs. The three nations face remarkably similar security challenges that necessitate coordinated responses. Terrorism, particularly extremist groups operating across borders, poses a persistent threat to all three countries. Pakistan has struggled with militant organizations such as the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, Türkiye faces challenges from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party and various Islamist extremist groups, while Saudi Arabia confronts threats from Al-Qaeda affiliated organizations and Iranian-backed militias. A coordinated counterterrorism strategy that shares intelligence, coordinates military operations, and implements joint training programs could significantly enhance the security of all three nations while reducing opportunities for terrorist organizations to exploit jurisdictional gaps. Beyond security concerns, these nations share substantial economic interests. The growing middle class in Pakistan, Türkiye advanced manufacturing sector, and Saudi Arabia’s renewable energy ambitions create complementary opportunities for trade and investment. Regional infrastructure projects, such as the Belt and Road Initiative and the proposed Middle Corridor connecting Central Asia to Europe through Türkiye, offer avenues for economic cooperation that could benefit all three countries. Additionally, all three nations recognize the importance of energy security in an increasingly multipolar world, creating opportunities for cooperation in renewable energy development, particularly given Saudi Arabia’s commitment to transitioning away from oil dependency and Türkiye strategic location for energy transit. Recent developments demonstrate growing momentum toward deeper trilateral cooperation The Economic Cooperation Organization, which includes all three nations along with others on the region, has emerged as a platform for discussing trade facilitation and infrastructure development. Pakistan and Türkiye have strengthened military-to-military ties through joint exercises and defense cooperation agreements, while Saudi Arabia has increased its defense: e procurement from both countries and hosted significant diplomatic summits bringing the three nations together. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization also provides a forum where these nations increasingly coordinate on regional security matters. Cultural and educational exchanges have expanded considerably, with increasing numbers of students from all three nations studying in each other’s universities and growing tourism facilitating people-to-people connections. Turkish media has gained significant popularity in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, while Pakistani cultural products have found audiences in the other two countries, creating soft power synergies that strengthen bilateral ties. These cultural connections help build constituencies within each country that support deeper cooperation and mutual understanding. However, challenges remain in translating political will into concrete outcomes. Bureaucratic inefficiencies, trade barriers, and inconsistent policy implementation have hindered some cooperative initiatives. Additionally, each nation faces domestic political pressures that sometimes constrain their ability to fully commit to trilateral projects. Pakistan’s ongoing economic challenges, Türkiye internal political dynamics, and Saudi Arabia’s regional rivalry with Iran create competing priorities that sometimes divert attention and resources from trilateral initiatives.