#bangladesh #pakistan

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    Subjective aesthetics versus literary brilliance

    Litigation over artistic quality reveals more about the critic’s personal taste and ideological leanings than it does about the intrinsic value of the literature itself. A prominent Bangladeshi academic initiated a debate across literary circles when a short video clip went viral online. In this brief excerpt from a presentation delivered at a university literary festival, the scholar dismissed the acclaimed author Shahidul Zahir. He claimed that Zahir does not even qualify as a third-rate artist. He  labeled him instead as a third-class writer whose language is thoroughly uninteresting. He similarly critiqued another modern Bengali prose writer, Akhteruzzaman Elias. For this case, he dismissed his writing style as endlessly monotonous. This judgment raises critical questions about literary aesthetics and the metrics used to evaluate global literature. Does a critic’s subjective boredom justify reducing a writer’s work to a low rating? Analytically, the fiction of Shahidul Zahir demonstrates the exact qualities that define world-class literature. Shahidul Zahir was never a conventional storyteller who somehow aimed to comfort his audience. Rather than offering comfortable narratives, his work exposes uncomfortable truths beneath established historical accounts. His portrayal of wartime violence, political opportunism, and societal compromise during and after the 1971 Liberation War forces readers to confront disturbing realities. Zahir connects the grim details of local life with magical and surreal elements. He utilizes oral storytelling traditions. He also combined surreal metaphors with layered depictions of the human condition. His narratives have bizarre occurrences such as animals acting as caretakers or war collaborators feeding human flesh to animals appear surprisingly believable against the background of ordinary towns like Sirajganj or Old Dhaka. His surrealism reflects real-world atrocities that were often equally unimaginable far from being mere fantasy. The academic’s critique centered primarily on two claims. Firstly, Zahir’s writing is dull. Secondly, his portrayal of the 1971 war is historically inaccurate. However, a closer look at these claims exposes significant flaws in the critic’s premise. The critic in question strongly favors traditional, highly formal, Sanskritized prose (sadhu bhasha) and rejects everyday spoken dialect (cholito bhasha) for serious discourse. In contrast, Zahir’s prose relies on the living, informal, and at times raw language spoken by everyday people. Therefore, rejecting an author because their prose reflects the authentic cadence of public speech reveals an elitist preference rather than an objective literary standard. The scholar accused Zahir’s acclaimed novella Jibon O Rajnoitik Bastobota (Life and Political Reality) of presenting stereotypical representations. He further pointed the supposed depiction of war collaborators wearing skull caps. Yet, nowhere in the actual text does such a detail exist. The critic appeared to project his own assumptions onto the text rather than reading what was actually written. Zahir’s novella accurately captures the painful political reality of post-liberation Bangladesh, where former wartime collaborators were gradually integrated back into mainstream power structures. Literary scholars often define world literature as creative work that responds to the global dynamics of modern capitalism and political change. Zahir’s novels illustrate how global economic forces interact unevenly with local feudal structures. In his masterpiece Shei Raate Purnima Chhilo (It Was Full Moon That Night), Zahir explores the rise of a powerful rural leader under state-sponsored political reform. The narrative illustrates how modern capitalist development mixes with lingering feudal mentalities. This mentality then creates a system where local elites hold unchecked power. Zahir constructs a portrait of a society caught between tradition and modern governance. Furthermore, Zahir’s treatment of the 1971 war connects local experiences with international geopolitics. In his stories, wartime memories constantly surface like fresh grass breaking through soil. His words speak about how national liberation was simultaneously a local struggle for survival and an event influenced by global Cold War tensions. The argument that a nation must produce literature directly accessible or marketed to Western readers in order to be considered world-class relies on a flawed premise. Global literary status should not depend solely on English translation or commercial visibility. Countless profound authors around the globe write within their local contexts. Such marvelous authors produce works that match the thematic depth of international figures like Franz Kafka or Gabriel García Márquez. As a matter of fact, dismissing Shahidul Zahir as third-class overlooks the artistic, historical, and linguistic power of his work. His fiction stands as an extraordinary accomplishment in modern literature. He is the one that challenges, provokes, and immortalizes the complex human experience far beyond the boundaries of narrow critique.  

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    Echoes of 1971 in Pakistan’s Kashmir policy

    History rarely repeats itself in exact terms, but it frequently rhymes through patterns of power, dissent and state responses. In Pakistan, analysts and political observers are increasingly highlighting the parallels between historical missteps. It is specifically the events leading up to the loss of East Pakistan in 1971 and the contemporary public grievances in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. The Cost of Ignoring Electoral Mandates In 1970, General Yahya Khan permitted general elections across Pakistan. The Awami League in East Pakistan secured a decisive democratic victory by winning 162 out of 300 national seats. However, rather than facilitating a peaceful transfer of power, military leaders stalled negotiations in Dhaka through early 1971. This breakdown in dialogue culminated in Operation Searchlight, a military crackdown targeting intellectuals, students, and Bengali civilians. The resulting violence triggered a massive refugee crisis. Approximately ten million people were sent to India. A war that ultimately led to the creation of Bangladesh. Pakistan’s own Hamoodur Rahman Commission concluded that political failure and operational excess by military leadership were central to the catastrophe. Despite these official findings, the report remained suppressed for decades, leaving fundamental lessons about the dangers of military overreach largely unexamined within state institutions.  Unrest in Pakistan-Controlled Kashmir Today, army leadership under General Asim Munir continues to champion strong nationalistic rhetoric regarding Kashmir. He has been asserting it as the nation’s core and a willingness to fight further conflicts over Indian-administered territory. Yet, a  different internal dynamic has been evolving since 2025 within the territories Pakistan actually controls. Local populations have mobilized in widespread demonstrations driven by clear economic and political grievances. Unmanageable costs for basic essential goods. Disproportionately high pricing for local power distribution. Legislative structures that assign disproportionate authority to mainland administrators rather than local residents. State institutions responded with heavy-handed measures rather than operating for meaningful negotiation. The organizing groups were banned, communication blackouts were implemented and arrests occurred. Security forces deployed live fire against demonstrators  and caused dozens of civilian casualties. The Danger of Ignoring Unheard Grievances The concern raised by historians is not that history will reproduce the exact outcome of 1971, but that the state is relying on the same flawed logic. State is again attempting to suppress domestic economic and political grievances through state force. When state policy prioritizes coercion over political engagement, it risks alienating populations. The lingering question for Pakistan’s establishment is whether the lessons of past governance failures will finally be integrated, or whether suppressed grievances will once again lead to deep institutional crises.