loaded sponge

The Loaded Sponge

We Were Forewarned, Then Why Are We Drowning, and What Lies Ahead

In March, when the glaciers were shedding their winter whites too early and the northern valleys stood bare against a sky that should have held snow, I wrote that the coming monsoon would test us. The National Disaster Management Authority had foreseen rains twenty-two to twenty-six percent heavier than the floods that killed more than a thousand souls the year before. Our embankments were still broken. Our protocols were still asleep.

It is late July now. The test has begun. Riverine area dwellers stand at the edge of swollen rivers, watching the water turn from brown to something near black, carrying the upstream soil. There is that familiar murmur of disbelief from government corridors—the same soft gasp that follows every flood, as if the water had not been whispering its arrival for months. But the water does not whisper to those who will not bend their ear. It speaks in the language of saturated earth, and we have heard it before. We have simply chosen, again and again, not to listen.

We were forewarned by the agencies. We were forewarned by the science. And we were forewarned by the very land beneath our feet—the old, patient land that absorbed until it could absorb no more, and is now quietly drowning. Yet when the skies opened, we were caught unprepared. And the heavy heart of Bhadoon is still to come.

What the Old Farmers Knew

For generations, the farmers of the Indus Basin have spoken of Sawan and Bhadoon not as months, but as temperaments. Sawan, the early monsoon of July and mid-August, is the gentle guest who fills the earthen pot. Bhadoon, the late monsoon of August and September, is the guest who arrives heavy with sorrow, and finds the door already swollen shut.

There is an old understanding in the villages of Punjab and Sindh: if Sawan has been generous—if the rains have fallen day after day without rest—then Bhadoon must be received with care. Not because Bhadoon brings more rain, but because the earth, by the time Bhadoon arrives, has already absorbed all it can hold. The soil is no longer soil. It is a clay pot filled to the lip, trembling at the brim. The next drop does not nourish. It overflows.

Modern science calls this Antecedent Moisture Condition. During a gentle Sawan, the land breathes; the rivers rise slowly, politely. But when the early rains come without pause, the land stops breathing. Its lungs fill with water. What was once a sponge becomes something heavy, something waiting. In dry years, only a fraction of rainfall becomes dangerous runoff. But once the soil is saturated, eighty to ninety-five percent of every new drop becomes immediate floodwater. The sponge has no choice. It must release what it cannot hold. It weeps.

Nature does not betray us. It simply does what it has always done. It is we who forget the earth, who build our homes upon its floodplains and then feign surprise when the water remembers its ancient path home.

The Water Remembers

This is not a new story. The water has told it before, and it has told it gently, and we have not listened.

In 1955, the Ravi rose with a roar that split the embankments of Lahore’s periphery. The river had been primed for weeks—day after day of July and August rain had filled the soil until the ground could no longer hold the September deluge. The peak at Madhopur was the highest ever recorded. The city woke to find its edges softened, dissolved, gone.

In 1992, the same priming filled Mangla and Tarbela to their brims by mid-August. When the early September rains came, Tarbela’s flood-peak reduction capacity collapsed from thirty percent to two percent. The rest surged into the lower plains, uninvited and sorrowful. The engineers knew what was coming. The farmers had only the sound of the river changing pitch—a sound every old farmer knows, a sound that means it is time to gather the children and climb.

In 2022, Sindh became an inland sea. Nearly a meter of rain fell on ground that was already thirty percent wetter than it should have been. The water had nowhere to go but into homes, into fields, into the places where people had built their lives on the quiet assumption that the land would always absorb their troubles.

The years that followed did not forgive us. In 2023, the Chenab and Jhelum catchments drank until they were full, and when Bhadoon came heavy in September, communities that had barely recovered from 2022 found themselves underwater again. In 2024, the same quiet sorrow played across Sindh and Balochistan—early rains primed the soil, late rains broke the banks, and the katcha communities woke to find their world softened and dissolved. These were not catastrophes on the scale of 2022, but gentle, persistent reminders that the mechanism does not rest, and that a loaded sponge does not care whether the year is famous or forgotten.

Then came 2025. The NDMA’s own reports confirmed what the old farmers could have recited without a single instrument: the rain fell on ground that was already wet. The system had no buffer, no forgiveness, no room for error. One thousand and thirty-seven people died. More than two hundred and seventy-five of them were children. Nearly seven million were affected. Three million displaced. Two hundred and twenty-nine thousand, seven hundred and sixty-three homes damaged or destroyed. These are not estimates. These are the quiet names and numbers of a nation that has grown accustomed to forgetting.

Now, in 2026, the NDMA warns of an even more intense monsoon. The early snowmelt has already fed the rivers before the clouds even gathered. The reservoirs are high. The soil is full. The sponge is loaded. And Bhadoon has not yet arrived.

The Quiet After the Warning

The tragedy of this year is not that we did not know. It is that knowing changed so little.

In January, the Infrastructure Audit Programme was launched with the Prime Minister’s endorsement—a programme to inspect and certify every embankment, every floodgate, every drainage channel before the rains came. This was not a new idea. The Punjab Flood Plain Regulation Act of 2016—passed a full decade before the current crisis—had already designated flood plains, mandated annual October surveys by Canal Officers, prohibited all construction without written permission, and criminalized unauthorized building. Section 20 gives it overriding effect over all other laws. The 2023 Punjab Irrigation Act strengthened this framework, but it did not create it. Yet between 2016 and 2026, the katcha belts were never properly surveyed, unauthorized construction continued unchecked, and public authorities built in flood zones without the Canal Officer’s permission that the 2016 Act demanded. The law did not fail. We failed the law.

What happened instead was what so often happens. The inspections remained behind closed doors. The certifications were internal, invisible, gentle in their ineffectiveness. And when the water rose, the same old quiet panic set in.

Last year at the Nauraja Bhutta bund in Jalalpur Pirwala, authorities breached the flood protection in desperation, sending uncontrolled water into thousands of homes. There was no warning. There was no protocol. There was only the midnight decision of men who had not prepared, sacrificing downstream villages to save upstream infrastructure. This was not an act of God. It was an act of forgetfulness dressed in urgency.

And the alerts—those precious, life-saving alerts—remained as gentle and as useless as they had been in 2025. A red alert that names a province but not a village is not a warning. It is a weather report. In Buner, a family of thirty-six people received the alert on a morning in August 2025. They were told to fear flash floods. They were not told where to run, or by what time, or along which road. They retreated to what they believed were safe rooms. None survived. I think of them often. I think of the mother who must have gathered her children, of the grandfather who must have believed the walls would hold, of the silence that followed.

A red alert that names a province but not a village is not a warning. It is a weather report. And weather reports do not carry children to higher ground.

This is not cruelty. It is a habit. Justice Mansoor Ali Shah’s 2010 inquiry, A Rude Awakening, spoke gently but firmly of the very breaches and absent protocols we saw in 2025. A Dutch advisory panel, the 2019 National Plan, and the 2022 catastrophe itself all said the same. Each report was filed away. No official named for negligence was reprimanded. Each warning became a footnote in a file that no one opened until the water opened it for them.

In November 2025, the Prime Minister approved the Fix, Expand, and Build strategy, promising repairs within two hundred and fifty days. Yet the Finance Minister admitted, with a sadness I believe was genuine, what critics had long known: Pakistan failed to prepare a single investable project to utilize the eleven billion dollars pledged after the 2022 floods. Eleven billion dollars. Enough to rebuild every embankment, every bridge, every home in the katcha belts. The money sat in vaults while the people sat in mud. Today, the embankments remain as they were—vulnerable, waiting, forgotten.

What We Can Still Do

The Sawan of 2026 has done its work. The soil across Punjab and Sindh is saturated. The rivers are running high, and the reservoirs are exhausting their buffers. As the late-monsoon systems gather over the upper catchments, we enter the most tender and dangerous weeks of the hydrologic year. Any additional rain will not be absorbed. It will run. It will gather. It will seek the lowest place, as water always does.

But I have not lost hope. I have seen this land survive worse. I have seen communities lift each other from the mud with a strength that no government can match. And I believe there are still four things we can do—not as accusations, but as prayers, as small lights we can strike before the dark.

First. Let us name the men who hold the keys, gently but clearly. The Infrastructure Audit of 2026 must be opened to the sun. The names of every Chief Engineer, every certifying officer, every person who signed a paper saying an embankment was fit for purpose—these names must be known. Not to shame, but to bind. If a structure is not certified, the officer responsible must stand beside it, in the open air, and explain. Accountability is not punishment. It is the only love we can show the people who live downstream.

Second. Let us speak to the village, not the province. The NDMA must learn to whisper directly into the ear of the mother in the vulnerable ares. She does not need to know that Punjab is at risk. She needs to know that her village will be underwater by dawn, that the road to the high school is the only safe route, and that she must leave by six in the evening. Alerts must name villages, expected water levels, and designated evacuation routes. They must travel by loudspeaker, by mosque announcement, by the voice of a neighbour on a bicycle—by any means that does not depend on mobile networks, which die when the clouds burst, leaving families alone in the dark.

Third. Let us give the people a right to leave before the water gives them no right to live. The katcha communities have always been the first to drown and the last to be remembered. Waiting for a rescue boat is not a strategy; it is a quiet death passed from one year to the next. The Punjab Irrigation Act of 2023 provides the legal basis for a mandatory pre-monsoon Right to Relocation. Safe sites must be identified. Compensation must be ready. Families must be moved now, with dignity, with kindness, before the Bhadoon rains turn temporary shelters into permanent graves. These are not statistics. These are grandmothers. These are children who have not yet learned to swim.

Fourth. Let the law live on the riverbank. The statutory breaching protocols under the 2016 Flood Plain Regulation Act and the 2023 Irrigation Act must be followed not as suggestions, but as promises we made to ourselves. No more midnight breaches made in panic. No more unannounced cuts that drown villages to save towns. Breaching must be planned, signaled, and executed with the care of a surgeon, not the desperation of a man flailing in deep water. The law exists. It is a good law. It must now be loved into life.

A Prayer for Bhadoon

The science of soil and water is patient and unforgiving. When a saturated catchment meets a late-monsoon depression, the physics of runoff are absolute. The water will go where gravity takes it. It will not pause for a press conference.

I warned in March that the window was closing. That window is now nearly shut. We have the judicial findings of Justice Mansoor Ali Shah. We have the Punjab Flood Plain Regulation Act of 2016. We have the Punjab Irrigation Act of 2023. We have the NDMA’s own projections. We have eleven billion dollars in unspent promise. We have everything except the one thing that matters: the quiet, stubborn will to act.

The Sawan rains have done their work. The earth has swallowed all it can. The sponge is loaded. The rivers are high. The Bhadoon depressions are forming over the Bay of Bengal, and they will come. They always come.

But we are not soil. We are not bound by physics alone. We can still move. We can still warn. We can still carry the old and the young to higher ground. We can still be the people who listen, at last, to what the water has been trying to tell us for seventy years.

The waters are rising. The sponge is loaded. Let us act, before the next drop falls, as if we remember what it means to care for one another.

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  • Emissions Trading System in Pakistan

    Climate change is no longer solely an environmental concern, it has become one of the defining economic and trade challenges of the twenty-first century. Around the world, governments are increasingly using market-based mechanisms to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions while maintaining industrial competitiveness and economic growth. Among these mechanisms, the Emissions Trading System (ETS) has emerged as one of the most effective policy instruments. According to the World Bank’s State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2026, there are now 87 carbon pricing instruments operating globally, including emissions trading systems and carbon taxes, covering nearly 30 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions. These instruments generated over US$107 billion in public revenues in 2025, demonstrating that carbon pricing has evolved from an environmental policy into an important pillar of economic and fiscal governance. In the case of Pakistan, one that is most vulnerable to climate change, the discourse & discussion on emissions trading has become increasingly pertinent. While Pakistan contributes less than one percent of global greenhouse gas emissions, it remains among the nation’s most severely affected by climate-induced disasters. The catastrophic floods of 2022 alone caused economic losses estimated at more than US$30 billion, highlighting the enormous economic costs of climate vulnerability. As Pakistan seeks to achieve sustainable economic growth while fulfilling its commitments under the Paris Agreement, an Emissions Trading System offers an opportunity to integrate climate action with industrial competitiveness, investment promotion, and long-term economic resilience. An Emissions Trading System, commonly referred to as a cap-and-trade mechanism, establishes a limit on the total amount of greenhouse gas emissions that regulated industries are permitted to emit. Within this overall cap, companies receive or purchase emission allowances that authorize them to emit a specified quantity of carbon dioxide or its equivalent. Firms that reduce their emissions below their allocated limits can sell their unused allowances to companies that exceed their emission caps. This market-based approach creates a financial incentive for industries to invest in cleaner technologies, improve energy efficiency, and reduce emissions while allowing businesses the flexibility to determine the most cost-effective compliance strategy. The success of emissions trading systems across the world demonstrates the growing importance of carbon markets in modern economic management. The European Union Emissions Trading System (EU ETS), launched in 2005, remains the world’s largest multinational carbon market and has significantly reduced emissions from power generation, manufacturing, and aviation. China now operates the world’s largest ETS by emissions covered, initially focusing on the power sector and gradually expanding to additional industries. South Korea, New Zealand, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, Kazakhstan, and several states in the United States and Canada have also established operational emissions trading systems tailored to their economic structures. Collectively, jurisdictions accounting for almost two-thirds of global GDP have either implemented or are actively developing direct carbon pricing mechanisms, signalling that carbon markets are rapidly becoming mainstream economic policy rather than experimental environmental initiatives. Across South Asia, governments are increasingly recognising carbon markets as instruments of economic competitiveness rather than solely environmental regulation. India has initiated the Carbon Credit Trading Scheme (CCTS) while expanding its long-standing Perform, Achieve and Trade (PAT) programme to improve industrial energy efficiency. Bangladesh is developing the institutional and regulatory foundations needed to participate in voluntary carbon markets and future compliance mechanisms. Together, these developments indicate a gradual regional shift towards integrating climate policy with industrial development, trade competitiveness, and sustainable economic growth. Pakistan has also begun laying the foundations for a future carbon market, although the country remains at an early stage of development. The National Climate Change Policy, Pakistan’s updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and the National Adaptation Plan recognise the importance of market-based mechanisms for reducing emissions. The Ministry of Climate Change and Environmental Coordination, together with development partners including the World Bank, GIZ, UNDP, and the Asian Development Bank, has initiated policy dialogue and capacity-building initiatives aimed at strengthening Pakistan’s carbon market readiness. At the provincial level, Punjab has emerged as the frontrunner in preparing for emissions trading. With technical support from GIZ, the Environment Protection and Climate Change Department and the Planning and Development Board have initiated collaborative efforts to develop the institutional architecture necessary for an Emissions Trading System. These initiatives include the development of emissions inventories, digital Monitoring, Reporting and Verification (MRV) systems, the Green Credit Initiative, and the strengthening of Punjab’s Climate Watch platform to improve emissions monitoring and support evidence-based climate decision-making. Although these initiatives do not yet constitute a formal ETS, they represent important building blocks for a future provincial pilot that could eventually inform the development of a national emissions trading framework. Despite these encouraging developments, Pakistan faces several institutional and technical challenges before an operational ETS can be introduced. Reliable emissions inventories remain incomplete across many industrial sectors, while comprehensive Monitoring, Reporting and Verification systems are still evolving. Institutional responsibilities for climate policy, industrial regulation, energy management, and environmental protection remain fragmented across multiple federal and provincial agencies, requiring stronger coordination. Furthermore, many industries and institutions have limited experience with greenhouse gas accounting, carbon pricing & reporting, emissions verification that highlight the need for substantial technical capacity building. Nevertheless the opportunities created by ETS are significant, not only due to environmental benefits but formulates holistic markets that contribute to the world economy. Carbon market revenues have already crossed the threshold of almost US$30 billion in 2016 to over US$107 billion in 2025, representing the rapid and robust growth of climate finance and green investments worldwide. The European Union’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) signals a new era where carbon compliance is becoming integral to international trade. Although Pakistan’s textile exports are not yet covered, global buyers increasingly demand transparent emissions reporting and low-carbon production. Developing an Emissions Trading System (ETS) and robust Monitoring, Reporting and Verification (MRV) systems will help Pakistani industries strengthen compliance and safeguard export competitiveness. Pakistan stands at a crossroads in its climate and economic development. With an estimated greenhouse gas emissions of around 500 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent (MtCO2e) per year, of which

  • Ending the Insurgency in Months, Not Decades: What…

    I have stood in places most policymakers only read about in briefing papers. I spent time in Afghanistan during the Ashraf Ghani years, and the whole of 2010 in what was then Ex-FATA — a zone so dangerous that even seasoned aid workers called it the place where devils refuse to go. Later, I worked on rehabilitation efforts in Azad Jammu and Kashmir. None of what I am about to argue is theoretical. It is drawn from villages of EX-FATA I walked through, water I watched women carry for miles on donkeys, and children I saw crossing frozen ground without shoes while, an hour’s drive away, the Afghan elite lived behind walls that looked like fortresses. That contrast is the whole story of why the Taliban won. Over two decades, the Western-backed Afghanistan collapsed not primarily on the battlefield but in the space between Kabul’s donor-funded skyline and the rural provinces that never saw a rupee — or a dollar — of that money trickle down. Billions moved through Kabul. Almost none of it moved past it. Into that vacuum, the Taliban did not need to conquer the countryside. They simply had to show up where the state never had, and offer order where there was only neglect. In 2010, in FATA, I watched the same mechanism recruit teenage boys into suicide bombing — and the driving force was rarely ideology in its purest form. It was poverty, weaponised by men who understood exactly how to turn deprivation into obedience. I say this because Pakistan is now watching its own soldiers and citizens bleed in Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Azad Jammu and Kashmir, and we keep mistaking the symptom for the disease. In Balochistan, it is poor living conditions and the absence of work that push young men toward the BLA and other militant groups — not some inherited hatred of the state, but the calculation of someone with nothing left to lose. In KPK, mining activity that could employ tens of thousands sits frozen, and extremist preachers walk into that economic silence with a ready-made narrative of grievance, exactly as I watched happen in FATA 16 years ago. In Azad Jammu & Kashmir (AJK), where I subsequently served on the front lines of post-disaster rehabilitation, the work executed under the leadership of General Musharraf and Lieutenant General Nadeem was nothing short of extraordinary. They transformed the region—erecting world-class infrastructure that spanned rural housing, modern hospitals, and state-of-the-art universities. Having witnessed his work firsthand, I can unhesitatingly attest that Lt. Gen. Nadeem exemplified the highest standards of professional integrity and selfless duty in the field. Regrettably, subsequent regimes, particularly the current political regime, failed to capitalize on this monumental achievement. Worse still, political negotiators deliberately suppressed these successes under strict orders to deny General Musharraf the credit he rightly deserved It was neither the foreign conspiracies spun about Modi nor the shadow plays attributed to Netanyahu that brought us to our knees—it was the quiet, deliberate treason of our own. The true architects of our ruin sat comfortably in our own cabinets, presiding over the Ministry of Planning and the Ministry of Petroleum. Let the record be unsealed, and let the ledger of corruption show the reality of our sabotage. While the global solar revolution was gaining unstoppable, undeniable momentum as far back as 2012, our planners turned a blind eye to the sun. Instead, they peddled dirty imported coal and structurally flawed LNG infrastructure, deceitfully masquerading them as national “game-changers.” They were not mistakes; they were choices. They willfully shackled this nation to predatory FSRU contracts, riddled with toxic force majeure loopholes that bled our public treasury dry to enrich foreign syndicates and domestic middlemen. Their actions expose a chilling, unvarnished truth: capital was never the bottleneck. Financial constraints were a myth. The true poverty of this nation was the shameless, treasonous lack of political will to break free from the payout loop and build a sovereign future. According to Pakistan’s own energy regulator, NEPRA, consumers were burdened with roughly Rs1.81 trillion in capacity payments in fiscal year 2024–25 alone — fixed payments to power producers simply for having plants available, regardless of whether they generated a single unit of electricity. That figure made up 61 percent of the country’s entire power purchase cost. On a per-unit basis, Pakistanis paid roughly Rs14.3 for capacity alone, compared to about Rs9.0 for the energy actually consumed. Multiply that pattern across recent years and the country has handed over trillions of rupees to keep idle machinery on standby, while Pakistani manufacturers pay electricity rates nearly double what their competitors pay in India and Vietnam, hollowing out the very industries that could have employed the young men now being recruited by militants instead. Even a third of what has been paid out in capacity charges over the past five years — redirected honestly into youth employment programs in KPK, Balochistan, and AJK — would have done more to end this insurgency than any military operation conducted so far. This is not sentiment. It is arithmetic that any finance ministry could run in an afternoon. And here the accountability question becomes unavoidable. The man who, as federal minister for petroleum and natural resources from 2013 to 2018, championed the LNG import architecture that helped lock Pakistan into the very capacity-payment structure now crushing consumers, later became Prime Minister of Pakistan. He subsequently faced formal NAB proceedings, an indictment, and questions in court over unexplained deposits connected to that period — a matter of public record, still contested by his supporters as political victimization, but investigated nonetheless by the country’s own anti-graft body. I raise this not to relitigate one man’s guilt or innocence in a courtroom I am not sitting in, but to make a structural point: the same energy policy architecture that produced Pakistan’s capacity-payment crisis was built, negotiated, and defended by people who moved seamlessly from ministry to premiership to private life, largely untouched by the consequences their decisions imposed on

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