loaded sponge

The Loaded Sponge

We Were Forewarned, Then Why Are We Drowning, and What Lies Ahead

In March, when the glaciers were shedding their winter whites too early and the northern valleys stood bare against a sky that should have held snow, I wrote that the coming monsoon would test us. The National Disaster Management Authority had foreseen rains twenty-two to twenty-six percent heavier than the floods that killed more than a thousand souls the year before. Our embankments were still broken. Our protocols were still asleep.

It is late July now. The test has begun. Riverine area dwellers stand at the edge of swollen rivers, watching the water turn from brown to something near black, carrying the upstream soil. There is that familiar murmur of disbelief from government corridors—the same soft gasp that follows every flood, as if the water had not been whispering its arrival for months. But the water does not whisper to those who will not bend their ear. It speaks in the language of saturated earth, and we have heard it before. We have simply chosen, again and again, not to listen.

We were forewarned by the agencies. We were forewarned by the science. And we were forewarned by the very land beneath our feet—the old, patient land that absorbed until it could absorb no more, and is now quietly drowning. Yet when the skies opened, we were caught unprepared. And the heavy heart of Bhadoon is still to come.

What the Old Farmers Knew

For generations, the farmers of the Indus Basin have spoken of Sawan and Bhadoon not as months, but as temperaments. Sawan, the early monsoon of July and mid-August, is the gentle guest who fills the earthen pot. Bhadoon, the late monsoon of August and September, is the guest who arrives heavy with sorrow, and finds the door already swollen shut.

There is an old understanding in the villages of Punjab and Sindh: if Sawan has been generous—if the rains have fallen day after day without rest—then Bhadoon must be received with care. Not because Bhadoon brings more rain, but because the earth, by the time Bhadoon arrives, has already absorbed all it can hold. The soil is no longer soil. It is a clay pot filled to the lip, trembling at the brim. The next drop does not nourish. It overflows.

Modern science calls this Antecedent Moisture Condition. During a gentle Sawan, the land breathes; the rivers rise slowly, politely. But when the early rains come without pause, the land stops breathing. Its lungs fill with water. What was once a sponge becomes something heavy, something waiting. In dry years, only a fraction of rainfall becomes dangerous runoff. But once the soil is saturated, eighty to ninety-five percent of every new drop becomes immediate floodwater. The sponge has no choice. It must release what it cannot hold. It weeps.

Nature does not betray us. It simply does what it has always done. It is we who forget the earth, who build our homes upon its floodplains and then feign surprise when the water remembers its ancient path home.

The Water Remembers

This is not a new story. The water has told it before, and it has told it gently, and we have not listened.

In 1955, the Ravi rose with a roar that split the embankments of Lahore’s periphery. The river had been primed for weeks—day after day of July and August rain had filled the soil until the ground could no longer hold the September deluge. The peak at Madhopur was the highest ever recorded. The city woke to find its edges softened, dissolved, gone.

In 1992, the same priming filled Mangla and Tarbela to their brims by mid-August. When the early September rains came, Tarbela’s flood-peak reduction capacity collapsed from thirty percent to two percent. The rest surged into the lower plains, uninvited and sorrowful. The engineers knew what was coming. The farmers had only the sound of the river changing pitch—a sound every old farmer knows, a sound that means it is time to gather the children and climb.

In 2022, Sindh became an inland sea. Nearly a meter of rain fell on ground that was already thirty percent wetter than it should have been. The water had nowhere to go but into homes, into fields, into the places where people had built their lives on the quiet assumption that the land would always absorb their troubles.

The years that followed did not forgive us. In 2023, the Chenab and Jhelum catchments drank until they were full, and when Bhadoon came heavy in September, communities that had barely recovered from 2022 found themselves underwater again. In 2024, the same quiet sorrow played across Sindh and Balochistan—early rains primed the soil, late rains broke the banks, and the katcha communities woke to find their world softened and dissolved. These were not catastrophes on the scale of 2022, but gentle, persistent reminders that the mechanism does not rest, and that a loaded sponge does not care whether the year is famous or forgotten.

Then came 2025. The NDMA’s own reports confirmed what the old farmers could have recited without a single instrument: the rain fell on ground that was already wet. The system had no buffer, no forgiveness, no room for error. One thousand and thirty-seven people died. More than two hundred and seventy-five of them were children. Nearly seven million were affected. Three million displaced. Two hundred and twenty-nine thousand, seven hundred and sixty-three homes damaged or destroyed. These are not estimates. These are the quiet names and numbers of a nation that has grown accustomed to forgetting.

Now, in 2026, the NDMA warns of an even more intense monsoon. The early snowmelt has already fed the rivers before the clouds even gathered. The reservoirs are high. The soil is full. The sponge is loaded. And Bhadoon has not yet arrived.

The Quiet After the Warning

The tragedy of this year is not that we did not know. It is that knowing changed so little.

In January, the Infrastructure Audit Programme was launched with the Prime Minister’s endorsement—a programme to inspect and certify every embankment, every floodgate, every drainage channel before the rains came. This was not a new idea. The Punjab Flood Plain Regulation Act of 2016—passed a full decade before the current crisis—had already designated flood plains, mandated annual October surveys by Canal Officers, prohibited all construction without written permission, and criminalized unauthorized building. Section 20 gives it overriding effect over all other laws. The 2023 Punjab Irrigation Act strengthened this framework, but it did not create it. Yet between 2016 and 2026, the katcha belts were never properly surveyed, unauthorized construction continued unchecked, and public authorities built in flood zones without the Canal Officer’s permission that the 2016 Act demanded. The law did not fail. We failed the law.

What happened instead was what so often happens. The inspections remained behind closed doors. The certifications were internal, invisible, gentle in their ineffectiveness. And when the water rose, the same old quiet panic set in.

Last year at the Nauraja Bhutta bund in Jalalpur Pirwala, authorities breached the flood protection in desperation, sending uncontrolled water into thousands of homes. There was no warning. There was no protocol. There was only the midnight decision of men who had not prepared, sacrificing downstream villages to save upstream infrastructure. This was not an act of God. It was an act of forgetfulness dressed in urgency.

And the alerts—those precious, life-saving alerts—remained as gentle and as useless as they had been in 2025. A red alert that names a province but not a village is not a warning. It is a weather report. In Buner, a family of thirty-six people received the alert on a morning in August 2025. They were told to fear flash floods. They were not told where to run, or by what time, or along which road. They retreated to what they believed were safe rooms. None survived. I think of them often. I think of the mother who must have gathered her children, of the grandfather who must have believed the walls would hold, of the silence that followed.

A red alert that names a province but not a village is not a warning. It is a weather report. And weather reports do not carry children to higher ground.

This is not cruelty. It is a habit. Justice Mansoor Ali Shah’s 2010 inquiry, A Rude Awakening, spoke gently but firmly of the very breaches and absent protocols we saw in 2025. A Dutch advisory panel, the 2019 National Plan, and the 2022 catastrophe itself all said the same. Each report was filed away. No official named for negligence was reprimanded. Each warning became a footnote in a file that no one opened until the water opened it for them.

In November 2025, the Prime Minister approved the Fix, Expand, and Build strategy, promising repairs within two hundred and fifty days. Yet the Finance Minister admitted, with a sadness I believe was genuine, what critics had long known: Pakistan failed to prepare a single investable project to utilize the eleven billion dollars pledged after the 2022 floods. Eleven billion dollars. Enough to rebuild every embankment, every bridge, every home in the katcha belts. The money sat in vaults while the people sat in mud. Today, the embankments remain as they were—vulnerable, waiting, forgotten.

What We Can Still Do

The Sawan of 2026 has done its work. The soil across Punjab and Sindh is saturated. The rivers are running high, and the reservoirs are exhausting their buffers. As the late-monsoon systems gather over the upper catchments, we enter the most tender and dangerous weeks of the hydrologic year. Any additional rain will not be absorbed. It will run. It will gather. It will seek the lowest place, as water always does.

But I have not lost hope. I have seen this land survive worse. I have seen communities lift each other from the mud with a strength that no government can match. And I believe there are still four things we can do—not as accusations, but as prayers, as small lights we can strike before the dark.

First. Let us name the men who hold the keys, gently but clearly. The Infrastructure Audit of 2026 must be opened to the sun. The names of every Chief Engineer, every certifying officer, every person who signed a paper saying an embankment was fit for purpose—these names must be known. Not to shame, but to bind. If a structure is not certified, the officer responsible must stand beside it, in the open air, and explain. Accountability is not punishment. It is the only love we can show the people who live downstream.

Second. Let us speak to the village, not the province. The NDMA must learn to whisper directly into the ear of the mother in the vulnerable ares. She does not need to know that Punjab is at risk. She needs to know that her village will be underwater by dawn, that the road to the high school is the only safe route, and that she must leave by six in the evening. Alerts must name villages, expected water levels, and designated evacuation routes. They must travel by loudspeaker, by mosque announcement, by the voice of a neighbour on a bicycle—by any means that does not depend on mobile networks, which die when the clouds burst, leaving families alone in the dark.

Third. Let us give the people a right to leave before the water gives them no right to live. The katcha communities have always been the first to drown and the last to be remembered. Waiting for a rescue boat is not a strategy; it is a quiet death passed from one year to the next. The Punjab Irrigation Act of 2023 provides the legal basis for a mandatory pre-monsoon Right to Relocation. Safe sites must be identified. Compensation must be ready. Families must be moved now, with dignity, with kindness, before the Bhadoon rains turn temporary shelters into permanent graves. These are not statistics. These are grandmothers. These are children who have not yet learned to swim.

Fourth. Let the law live on the riverbank. The statutory breaching protocols under the 2016 Flood Plain Regulation Act and the 2023 Irrigation Act must be followed not as suggestions, but as promises we made to ourselves. No more midnight breaches made in panic. No more unannounced cuts that drown villages to save towns. Breaching must be planned, signaled, and executed with the care of a surgeon, not the desperation of a man flailing in deep water. The law exists. It is a good law. It must now be loved into life.

A Prayer for Bhadoon

The science of soil and water is patient and unforgiving. When a saturated catchment meets a late-monsoon depression, the physics of runoff are absolute. The water will go where gravity takes it. It will not pause for a press conference.

I warned in March that the window was closing. That window is now nearly shut. We have the judicial findings of Justice Mansoor Ali Shah. We have the Punjab Flood Plain Regulation Act of 2016. We have the Punjab Irrigation Act of 2023. We have the NDMA’s own projections. We have eleven billion dollars in unspent promise. We have everything except the one thing that matters: the quiet, stubborn will to act.

The Sawan rains have done their work. The earth has swallowed all it can. The sponge is loaded. The rivers are high. The Bhadoon depressions are forming over the Bay of Bengal, and they will come. They always come.

But we are not soil. We are not bound by physics alone. We can still move. We can still warn. We can still carry the old and the young to higher ground. We can still be the people who listen, at last, to what the water has been trying to tell us for seventy years.

The waters are rising. The sponge is loaded. Let us act, before the next drop falls, as if we remember what it means to care for one another.

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It is to determine whether the federation can faithfully uphold the constitutional promise of self-rule and shared rule upon which every enduring federal democracy ultimately depends. _____________________________________________________________________________ The writer, lawyer and author, is former Adjunct Faculty at Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), a member Advisory Board and Senior Visiting Fellow of Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE) 

  • Why Has the System Collapsed in Pakistan?

    The poor nation has been treated like a naïve fool—or like a buffalo standing idly in Anarkali Bazaar, merely watching the spectacle—while the only person truly entitled to everything has been the one holding the stick. In such circumstances, lamenting that “our system has collapsed” amounts to nothing more than crocodile tears. May one dare ask these distinguished representatives of power: who is the greatest beneficiary of this collapsed system today? Surely, it is not that poor, powerless figure who constitutionally occupies the office of Prime Minister but is widely perceived as nothing more than a flatterer, a “Cherry Blossom,” or a bootlicker. Even the authority to reprimand one of his own unruly cabinet ministers has been taken away from him. Before the real power brokers, the poor man has no option except to bow or prostrate himself in deference. Yet even this symbolic arrangement seems intolerable to those who wield the stick. They ask: Why should this weak individual even occupy this ceremonial chair? If we are the real source of power, why are these sheep and goats sitting here at all? And who does the Eighteenth Constitutional Amendment think it is, making us dependent upon these provincial “sheep and goats”? If we require funds for “protecting the people,” why should we have to seek the approval of these so-called political parties? Why not simply dismantle the provinces, divide them into thirty pieces, and grind them down, just as our revered elder, the “true believer” of the Zia era, once envisioned—that politicians would come crawling to lick our feet with their tails tucked between their legs? But these are not our real issues, despite the crocodile tears now being shed over them. The system has produced poverty, unemployment, despair among the youth, and unbearable inflation. Our country is being humiliated across the world. The begging bowl has become our national symbol. Even our Prime Minister has admitted that whenever leaders of friendly countries see us, they think, “Here comes the beggar.” Our young people, exhausted by poverty and hunger, want nothing more than to leave this country. Many die while attempting the dangerous Dunki route to Europe, drowning in overcrowded boats. Is there any system here that offers them hope? You criticize the distribution of laptops. Although laptops are a useful technology, today the world has advanced from artificial intelligence to cutting-edge digital technologies. Compare our condition with that of India. Where are the modern industries that can provide educated and capable young people with respectable jobs and salaries that match their abilities? When will our society become not only modern in agriculture but also genuinely industrial? All this has resulted in the destruction of democracy, lawlessness, the systematic killing of merit, inequality, oppression, and the transformation of the country into a breeding ground for crime. Bribery, favoritism, and nepotism are everywhere. Why has our country repeatedly experienced martial law? Why is there neither respect for nor supremacy of the law? Why has our Parliament become nothing more than a rubber stamp for the powerful? Why does our judiciary continue to place boots above the Constitution? To what extent has our society been destroyed because of this, and who is truly responsible? The absence and destruction of these values have killed the spirit of tolerance and coexistence in our society. They have nurtured the snakes of religious hatred and made it impossible for ordinary people to live with dignity. This oppressive approach has created and nurtured countless forms of extremism. It has robbed our younger generations of their emotions and independent thinking. What is taught in our religious seminaries in the name of sanctity, and the hatred propagated there, as well as the fanaticism promoted in modern educational institutions under the labels of Pakistan Studies, theology, and religious education, leaves little room for disagreement. Anyone expressing an alternative viewpoint faces severe restrictions. It is not only conservative society that reacts harshly; the country’s blasphemy laws also loom threateningly over dissent. In such an environment, how can freedom of expression and intellectual liberty flourish? In such suffocating conditions, where is the space for fresh and critical thinking? In a society eaten away like wood infested with termites, how can any humane system possibly develop? Much of our society’s religious intolerance is a direct consequence of this repression. Both our media and our educational curriculum have been damaged by this suffocating approach. Without freedom of expression, how can an effective system of accountability based on critical inquiry ever emerge? How can social, political, and religious bullying, superstition, and corruption within society ever be eliminated? It has turned not only the powerful into tyrants but even an ordinary clerk into a little Pharaoh. The more authority someone possesses, the more they begin to think of themselves as a god. This culture of oppression has hollowed out our society from within. Our Chief Minister seems to believe she is all-powerful. Not only Maryam Nawaz, but every member of her cabinet—men and women alike—behaves like a dragon, intimidating not only the public but even members of their own provincial assembly. As for the members of the assembly themselves, they appear to consider hardly anyone other than themselves to be worthy human beings. (To Be Continued)

  • Democratic Technocracy and a New Administrative St…

    A truly democratic-technocratic model for Pakistan should also address the country’s administrative structure. Pakistan is too large and administratively complex to depend on highly centralized decision-making from Islamabad and provincial capitals. A modern governance system should therefore consider the creation of new provinces or constitutionally recognized administrative units, based on population, geography, economic viability, administrative accessibility, historical and cultural considerations, and the ability to provide effective public services. This distribution must not be based on the ground of nationality. In my personal opinion, in Pakistan, there is a very emotional and stimulation mind sets found everywhere, they create prejudice mentality among the whole nation. All provinces names should be on the basis of their respective specialty of that particular area. Sindh, Punjab, Khaiber pakhtoon kha, Balochistan, these names also must be changed to other names. This will remove the nation base mentality. The objective should not be to divide Pakistan on the basis of ethnicity, language or political rivalry. Rather, administrative boundaries should be designed around governance and public welfare. Where existing provinces have become too large to administer effectively, new administrative units could bring government closer to citizens, improve resource allocation, strengthen accountability and allow regional development plans to be tailored to local needs. Here is a very common example, as if there is a school, when strength of the students increases, school starts to produce more campus, this is just because of good administration, to deliver good services, to provide better education to all students equally. So same case is in Pakistan, now the population has been reached out more than 250 million. While, at the time of 1947, the population was 70-75 million, that was combined, west and East Pakistan both, and West Pakistan comprised of only 32-33 million. Now imagine, now the population is more than 250 million and provinces are same. The population has been increases up to 681%. Imagine….! Punjab population was 20 million in 1947, now in 2026 is 127 million. Sindh population was 6 million in 1947 and now in 2026 is 56 million. Similarly KPK was 11 million in 1947 and now is 41 million, Baluchistan was 4.3 million in 1947 and now is 15 million. By these figures, more provinces or administrative units must have been developed many years ago. When we look for cities of Sindh, as the largest opposition found in Sindh against this proposal, we see, Karachi population was 1 million and in 2026 is more than 20 million, Hyderabad was 5-6 lacs, means 500 to 600 thousands, and now in 2026 is 2.4 million. Similarly Tharparker population was almost 300 thousand only, now near to 2 million, Nawabshah, currently is SBA was 500 thousand in 1947 now in 2026 is almost 2 million, Larkana was 420 thousands and now is 1.7 million, Sukkur was 340 thousand in 1947 and now is 1.6 million. If I write the whole country data then we need many pages, so these main examples are presented to elaborate that new provinces or administrative units are compulsory in the country for the betterment of Pakistan and the people of Pakistan. Now, keeping in view the concept of new provinces or new administrative units, under a Democratic Technocracy model, each administrative unit could have an elected political government supported by professional technocratic administration. Citizens would elect their representatives, while key departments would be managed by qualified professionals and career administrators. Health systems could be led by experienced health administrators and public-health professionals; education by education-policy specialists; municipal development by professional urban planners and engineers; finance by qualified public-finance specialists; and agriculture, water, energy and industry by relevant technical experts. In current system, our all ministries have, very unfortunately, absolute irrelevant Persons to run that particular area, except a very few. Now see this model, would create a three-level governance architecture: Federal Government → Provincial/Regional Governments → Empowered Local Governments At the federal level, matters such as defense, foreign affairs, currency, national economic policy and other genuinely national responsibilities would remain centralized. At the regional level, governments would concentrate on sectors such as health, education, agriculture, provincial infrastructure and regional economic development. At the local level, elected governments would become directly responsible for municipal services, sanitation, water supply, local roads, primary healthcare, local education, waste management and other services that directly affect citizens. A New Map for Better Governance Pakistan should therefore be willing to have a serious national debate about whether the present administrative map remains optimal for the country’s future. The creation of additional provinces or administrative regions should be based on objective criteria rather than political convenience. A proposed new unit should undergo an independent feasibility assessment covering: – Population and geographic size – Administrative accessibility – Economic and revenue potential – Existing infrastructure – Healthcare and education requirements – Natural resources – Urban and rural population distribution – Connectivity and transportation – Fiscal sustainability – Public opinion and consultation – Protection of minority and regional rights No new unit should be created merely because a political group demands it, nor should a legitimate administrative reform be rejected simply because existing political interests oppose it. The principle should be simple: “Administrative boundaries should serve citizens-not political elites”. A smaller and more manageable administrative structure, combined with empowered local governments and professional administration, could make it easier to identify responsibility, measure performance and deliver public services. However, creating new provinces alone will not solve Pakistan’s governance problems. A smaller province with the same inefficient institutions would simply reproduce the same problems on a smaller scale. Administrative restructuring must therefore occur simultaneously with civil-service reform, fiscal decentralization, digital governance, merit-based appointments, independent oversight and strong local governments. The ultimate objective should be to create a Pakistan in which every citizen can reach an effective government institution without travelling hundreds of kilometers to a distant provincial capital, while every level of government remains constitutionally accountable to the people. This is where administrative reform and Democratic Technocracy meet: democracy determines representation, technocracy ensures competence,

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