perfect human prophetic

The Perfect Human: Prophetic Biography and the Sci…

The boundless and dynamic history of Seerah—the prophetic biography—bears witness to how every era’s intellectual currents, scholarly demands, and civilizational pressures have played a pivotal role in shaping the style of this sacred literary genre. In the earliest biographical periods, the primary objective was the preservation of prophetic traces and historical continuity, which later evolved during the medieval age into polemical, defensive, and theological debates. Up until the mid-twentieth century, the major goal of Seerah writing remained a reasoned defense against Western Orientalist objections alongside historical verification. However, in this fast-paced, technology-driven, and metaphysics-averse scientific age of the twenty-first century—where the prevailing trend is to test every narrative against data, logic, and objective criteria—there has been an intense, growing need to present the Seerah of the Prophet (PBUH) with an intellectual cadence that steps outside traditional rhetoric to directly appeal to the modern scientific mind and international academic paradigms.
To bridge this intellectual gap, Dr. Ashfaq Ahmed—a distinguished professor of computer science and engineering at the University of Texas at Arlington and director of the Center for Advanced Computing Systems—authored a valuable English work titled The Perfect Human, Muhammad (PBUH). To bring this book into the broader Urdu sphere and facilitate access for intellectual and academic circles, Saqlain Shaukat translated it into Urdu under the title Bashar-e-Kamil: Muhammad ﷺ, an endeavor that undeniably holds a prominent and esteemed place in our intellectual world.
The most distinctive quality of this book is that its author is not a traditional graduate of a religious seminary or a conventional orator, but rather a scientist accustomed to weighing every phenomenon through algorithmic precision, systematic models, and multi-level bibliographies. The undertaking of Seerah by a computer science professor with such meticulousness—weaving historical events into a fact-based narrative—bestows upon the account a rare academic and objective validity. Abandoning traditional emotional hyperbole, the author adopts a methodology of historical and documentary evidence that convinces the reader the life of the Prophet (PBUH) is not merely a scattered collection of emotional episodes, but rather the most authentic and actionable code for human evolution and global civilizational formation.
The first part of the book comprises fifty-three detailed chapters, presenting a continuous historical narrative of the Prophet’s (PBUH) life. The true uniqueness of this section lies in how the author intertwines nearly fifteen hundred Quranic verses and authentic references from other heavenly scriptures into the text with such skill that the Quran itself becomes the speaker of the Seerah. In particular, the critical analysis applied to the Constitution of Medina (Mithaq-e-Madinah), the documentary treaties of the Medinan state, and other political and social conditions offers rich intellectual nourishment for students of international law, modern political science, and sociology.
The second part of this scholarly masterpiece represents an entirely novel and unique chapter in the history of Seerah writing. This section encompasses comprehensive research statements based on one hundred distinct human attributes extracted from the individual, collective, and moral life of the Prophet (PBUH). Each attribute is connected to the historical and Quranic evidence of the first part in such a way that it ceases to be mere verbal advice and instead becomes a living, dynamic model of action. For today’s globalized world—which suffers from materialism, moral decline, and severe intellectual chaos—these one hundred attributes serve as a Magna Carta fully capable of restoring the fractured equilibrium of modern man.
The most significant aspect distinguishing this work from traditional Seerah books is its systematic model and algorithmic framework. As an engineering professor, Dr. Ashfaq Ahmed has transitioned the study of Islamic history and the Seerah away from traditional narrative and into a structured system and source code. The one hundred attributes listed at the end of the book are essentially a reverse engineering of the Seerah, providing modern humanity, the corporate world, and academic institutions with a moral source code that any organization in the world can implement to achieve professional success—provided it is applied independently of its colonial and unjust frameworks. Furthermore, the balanced academic perspective that Dr. Ashfaq Ahmed establishes to foster interfaith harmony and intellectual tolerance acts as a robust intellectual bridge for the new generation living in the West and for non-Muslim academies.
However, when this book is examined critically through the lens of objective, deep Islamic thought and history, certain fundamental contradictions become apparent in its methodology and narrative, limiting its universal utility to a degree. It is most important to clarify here that Islam is by no means opposed to science or objective research. Throughout Islamic history, illustrious Muslim scientists such as Ibn al-Haytham, al-Khwarizmi, and al-Biruni enlightened humanity precisely by integrating faith with scientific reasoning. Therefore, Dr. Ashfaq Ahmed’s methodology is not an inherent intellectual deviation; rather, its true tragedy lies in the fact that, in its scramble to satisfy the modern scientific mind, it sidelines Islam’s divine and metaphysical essence.
The understanding of the prophetic Seerah in Islam is not merely a dry collection of historical events, political treaties, or social algorithms. It is built upon a spiritual equilibrium of divine revelation from heavenly sources, miracles that transcend intellect, and a profound love for the Divine—elements that cannot be entirely imprisoned within the mold of computer science source codes. When an author begins to present the Seerah as a corporate model, they inadvertently weaken the metaphysical beauty of the religion, which offers humanity deep spiritual fulfillment alongside intellectual satisfaction.
The second critical observation regarding this assessment is that, in attempting to satisfy the modern scientific mind, the author occasionally reduces historical events to material causes, effectively rendering the original element of miraculous and divine succor either entirely absent or marginalized. An authentic Muslim intellectual perspective maintains that while the material causes of Islamic history hold their proper place, the operational force behind them is divine will and unseen support—the fundamental catalyst without which the entire narrative of the Seerah feels incomplete and lifeless.
The book’s assertion that the Magna Carta of the Prophet’s (PBUH) attributes serves as a source code for the modern corporate world also suffers from a clear intellectual contradiction. The Western corporate world, built fundamentally upon profit-seeking, capitalist exploitation, materialism, and post-humanism, lacks the capacity to genuinely internalize these universal principles of the Seerah unless it radically dismantles its own colonial and materialistic framework. To simply assume that presenting the Seerah as a scientific algorithm will lead the Western world to accept it is an intellectual illusion. Genuine Muslim thought does not consist of blindly imitating prevailing Western intellectual systems; rather, it challenges those systems in light of divine values and offers humanity a just alternative.
Moreover, while the extensive argumentation involving nearly fifteen hundred Quranic verses and historical references stands as a testament to the author’s prolonged academic labor and dedication, its scholarly evaluation occasionally departs from the established classical principles of Jarh wa Ta’deel (critical appraisal of narrators and texts) observed by traditional exegetes and traditionists. When a researcher rooted primarily in computer science bypasses the classical methodology of traditional Islamic sciences to project scriptural verses directly into a modern scientific context, it opens the door to intellectual interpretations that can compromise the authentic understanding of the religious text. This blending becomes hazardous when the reader begins to believe that the truth of Islam depends on the validation of modern science, whereas in Islamic thought, science itself is subservient to revelation and sound intellect, rather than serving as the standard for the truth of religion.
Overall, Bashar-e-Kamil: Muhammad ﷺ is a unique and commendable endeavor in terms of its technical and scientific style, yet it falls short of becoming a balanced synthesis of comprehensive Muslim and global thought because it appears somewhat intimidated by the intellectual pressure of Western positivism. In its quest to prove religion as a functional scientific system, the book dims its metaphysical and divine essence—representing the ultimate tragedy of intellectual equilibrium for any mature, thoughtful reader or practicing Muslim.

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    The Education Dilemma

    By Tuba Khan Literacy is the key to a successful political, economic and social structure of a country. Nations that prioritize education give birth to a strong, responsible and intellectual generation that could foster civic culture in the country. A well-educated and politically aware youth is the backbone of a country’s development. Society can only progress if it invests in its youth, allocating resources and opportunities to young people. Pakistan ranks fifth among the countries having the largest young population in the world. This youth bulge could become a driver of economic prosperity and social progress if quality education and skills development are provided to the youth. Unfortunately, Pakistan lacks an education system that can produce civic-minded, skilled and informed people. The education sector has remained stagnant for several decades and the quality of education is declining day by day, producing an intellectually enslaved generation. Pakistan ranked 164th out of a total of 194 countries globally in education quality, lagging far behind from the other countries in the region. Education in Pakistan is treated as a business for generating revenue and in return creating inequality across all levels of education.   In Pakistan, around 54% of students are enrolled in public sector institutions, where the quality of education and the infrastructure are in a state of severe deterioration. The country’s education standard is so poor that no Pakistani university ranks among the world’s top 350 reputable universities as per QS World University Rankings 2026. Moreover, approximately 26 million children are out of school and those who are enrolled in schools are often products of the rote learning system, unable to think critically and lack the ability to build independent opinions. They are deprived of basic facilities, such as safe and secure buildings, furniture, laboratories, libraries, electricity, clean drinking water, proper sanitation facilities and other basic amenities at the public educational institutions. The outdated syllabus and unprofessional staff at public educational institutions add fuel to the fire, aggravating the education crisis in Pakistan. According to the data provided by UNESCO in 2024, there were 25.38 million students in total for all public and private elementary schools in the country, while only 445,877 teachers were available to facilitate the students. This highlights that there are around 57 children for each teacher. This highlights the ailing condition of the education system of Pakistan.   Despite the educational challenges and poor education system, government spending on the education sector has declined significantly. From 0.8% of GDP allocated to the education sector in 2024, the education spending has dropped to only 0.2% of the federal budget in 2026. Additionally, the privatization of public schools in Punjab is also the biggest failure of the government as it raised the costs and fees, putting a financial burden on low-income families and provoking more elimination of students from the schools. The privatization policy is contrary to the constitutional promise, introduced under the 18th amendment in 2010 of providing free and compulsory education up to Matriculation, exacerbating the education breakdown. This underscores the incompetence of the government in addressing the paramount issue, the root cause of several multidimensional problems of Pakistan.   Education is a fundamental right of every human being and it must be delivered to its citizens by the state. The government of Pakistan must realize that without an educated nation, the country could never be placed on the path of progress. The government should focus on eliminating gender inequality in the education sector while raising awareness in rural areas, making the educational institutions safe for women and holding the institutions accountable. It should encourage digital and vocational training programs, research, practical learning, skills development and the ability of youth to think critically and form independent opinions about the important issues. It is the duty of the government to provide quality education, maintain educational institutions, strengthen checks and balances within the education system, fulfil the constitutional promise of providing free education to children between the ages of 5 and 16 and strengthen the economy so that the middle and lower-middle class can easily afford education. Investing in education is not merely the responsibility of the government, but a national necessity. However, education alone is not enough unless it is coupled with employment opportunities. Otherwise, the youth bulge would become a demographic burden, marked by unemployment, poverty and instability. Pakistan urgently needs reforms in the education sector and strategies to transform the young population from a demographic challenge into a valuable demographic dividend for sustainable growth. The government must treat the education crisis as a priority issue to ensure a prosperous future.

  • Nawaz Sharif’s political revival has begun — a…

    In my view, Nawaz Sharif’s political revival is no longer just a possibility; it is clearly taking shape. His decision to return to the political frontline and personally lead the Pakistan Muslim League (N)’s campaign in Azad Jammu and Kashmir shows a leader who understands timing, patience and political strategy. The massive rallies in Muzaffarabad and Mirpur were not just election gatherings; they carried a much bigger political message. They demonstrated, in my opinion, that Nawaz Sharif still has the ability to attract large crowds and energise his supporters. For many party workers and voters who had been missing his direct presence, his return to the campaign stage created renewed confidence and enthusiasm. At the same time, these rallies sent a strong message to his political opponents and to those analysts who had predicted that Nawaz Sharif had retired from active politics. His presence on the ground has challenged that narrative and shown that he remains a central figure in Pakistan’s political landscape. During my last two meetings with Nawaz Sharif — one in the Galyat hills near Murree and another at Jati Umra, Raiwind — I observed a leader who appeared to be carefully planning his political revival. My impression was that he was not looking for a short-term political comeback but working on a long-term strategy. I have seen this before — not once, but twice. The first time was in 2006, when Nawaz Sharif came to London after leaving Saudi Arabia following his years in exile. I observed how he patiently rebuilt his political network, reconnected with party workers and gradually prepared the ground for his return to Pakistan’s political arena. The second time was before the 2024 general elections. During the more than three years he spent in London, I saw a similar approach — careful planning, political consultations and a gradual strategy to return at the right moment. In my opinion, the current phase follows the same pattern. Nawaz Sharif has relied on a team approach. At the centre, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has focused on managing difficult economic, diplomatic and political challenges. His supporters believe his administration has helped improve Pakistan’s international engagement and presented the country as an important voice on global issues. On the other hand, Maryam Nawaz Sharif has emerged as a key part of this political strategy. As Chief Minister of Punjab, she has focused on development projects, infrastructure, public service delivery and administrative reforms. In my view, her performance has helped create the perception of a new generation of leadership within the PML-N. Punjab has, in my assessment, become an important example of the party’s governance message — that provinces can deliver through development, better infrastructure, improved administration and stronger public services. Nawaz Sharif’s political strength is also linked to his record as Prime Minister. His supporters highlight his focus on infrastructure development, including motorways, energy projects and large-scale national schemes. They argue that during his governments Pakistan moved towards economic stability, with greater emphasis on investment, connectivity and development. While political opinions about his governments differ, there is no doubt that Nawaz Sharif remains one of Pakistan’s most experienced political figures. With decades of experience in public life, he is among the most senior leaders in the region and has maintained relationships with world leaders. His experience in governance, diplomacy and international affairs remains one of his biggest political assets. Today, in my view, Nawaz Sharif is attempting another carefully planned political comeback. His direct involvement in the Azad Kashmir election campaign suggests that he is once again taking command of the political direction of his party. I believe his strategy is working because he is repeating a formula he has used before: patience, organisation, strengthening his team and returning to the people when he believes the political environment is favourable. History will ultimately be judged by the voters, but from my observations over the past two decades, Nawaz Sharif’s political revival appears to be following a familiar and carefully planned path.

  • The Economic Reality Behind Shabbar Zaidi’s …

    By Ali Haider In a statement, former FBR Chairman Shabbar Zaidi said that Pakistan’s economy would improve if it severed trade ties with China. He asserted that China has inflicted more damage on the Pakistani economy than the United States ever did. He further stated that he had opposed CPEC from day one, noting that the public was misled by the “game changer” narrative while the country was driven to ruin through the implementation of exorbitantly expensive power projects. The total trade volume between Pakistan and China during the 2024-25 fiscal year stood at approximately $25.23 billion. Of this, Pakistan imported goods worth $20.43 billion from China and exported products valued at $2.84 billion. Additionally, Pakistan makes annual payments of around $1 billion to China for services, loan repayments, and profit repatriations related to CPEC projects. Consequently, Pakistan’s overall trade deficit with China stands at approximately $18 to $19 billion, a figure exceeding the total funding Pakistan receives under a full IMF program. Since over 90 percent of trade between Pakistan and China is conducted in US dollars, this deficit has a direct impact on the country’s foreign exchange reserves. Pakistan sources approximately 28 percent of its total imports from China. In 2025, China remained Pakistan’s largest trading partner. Major imports from China include machinery, electrical machinery, organic chemicals, textile raw materials , and solar panels. Conversely, just four items account for 60 percent of Pakistan’s exports to China: cotton yarn, rice, seafood, and leather products. In other words, our exports are not only limited in scope but also consist primarily of raw materials and agricultural commodities. Trade with any country is beneficial only when exports exceed imports, or at the very least, match them. However, in Pakistan’s case, for every dollar of exports, we are importing goods worth 7.2 dollars from China. This trade imbalance becomes even more critical when Pakistan imports goods from China that are already being manufactured domestically. The textile and garment sector serves as the prime example of this; although Pakistan is among the world’s major cotton producing nations, a large portion its clothing imports, including both summer and winter garments, comes from China. This situation is primarily driven by the exorbitant rise in electricity tariffs in Pakistan. Currently, the cost of a single commercial electricity unit exceeds 60 rupees, and high gas prices further exacerbate the situation; consequently, the production cost of a standard jacket made in Pakistan reaches 10,000 rupees. In contrast, a Chinese made jacket of comparable quality is sold in the market at or even below that production cost. Due to this uneven playing field, dozens of garment units in Karachi, Lahore, and Faisalabad have shut down. Between 800 and 1,200 textile mills have closed over the last decade; Kasur, which was Asia’s largest leather industry hub in 2001, now lies desolate, as 40 percent of its tanneries have completely shut down and another 30 percent have become seasonal operations. The footwear industry has also suffered severe damage; in Punjab alone, there were over 350 large shoe manufacturing factories, of which 20 percent have shut down and 15 percent have seen a decline in production. This is largely because Chinese shoes, slippers, and sandals available in the market are not only cheaper but also more appealing to young generation in terms of design. Consequently, local manufacturers report that their production has dropped by 40 percent over the past three years. The steel sector is also grappling with this same challenge. Following the closure of Pakistan Steel Mills, the country imports 70 percent of its steel requirements. In 2025, steel and iron products worth $1.5 billion were imported from China alone; these included construction rebar, sheets, and pipes. Although Pakistan possesses reserves of iron and coal, high electricity costs prevent local production from competing effectively in this tough market. Another concerning aspect is the import of machinery. In 2025, Pakistan imported industrial machinery worth $2.6 billion from China; however, this import was not accompanied by investment. Chinese companies profit from selling the machinery and then leave, without opting to set up manufacturing plants within Pakistan. If the government were to mandate that every major machinery import be coupled with a requirement for the Chinese company to establish a factory in Pakistan with a 30 percent equity stake, it would generate employment and enable Pakistan to achieve self-reliance in technology. It is simply not possible for Pakistan to completely halt trade, as a significant portion of solar panels, mobile phone components, pharmaceutical raw materials, and agricultural machinery is imported from China. If these imports were halted tomorrow, many factories would shut down, and inflation could surge by 30 to 40 percent. It would take the economy at least ten years to fully recover from such a shock. The solution lies in “smart protection.” The first step is to impose phased regulatory duties on goods currently being manufactured in Pakistan. Protection can be immediately extended to three sectors: clothing, footwear, and certain types of construction steel. The second step is to make the import of machinery conditional upon investment. The third and most critical step is to reduce production costs; until electricity and gas become cheaper, “Made in Pakistan” products will not be able to compete with Chinese goods. On the other hand, the government must also work on boosting exports. Pakistan’s total exports increased by 48.7 percent during the first five months of 2026, with copper, rice, and halal meat playing a significant role. Access to the Chinese market can be expanded by incorporating agriculture, IT, and minerals into the second phase of CPEC. The target should be to increase exports to China from $3 billion to $10 billion over the next three years. Amidst all these issues, it is crucial to understand that China is not Pakistan’s enemy; it is the world’s largest manufacturing hub, producing goods tailored to the purchasing power of every nation. The real problem lies in imbalanced trade and high production costs. Pressure on foreign exchange reserves

  • Debtocracy & bankruptcy of ideas   

    Pakistan’s debt problem has entered a new phase. The headline figure is alarming: total debt and liabilities reached Rs. 99.59 trillion by the end of fiscal year (FY) 2025-26. The deeper concern, however, lies in the composition of this debt, the burden of servicing it and the channels through which public borrowing now affects every productive sector of the economy. According to the latest State Bank of Pakistan data, total debt stood at Rs. 97.88 trillion. Gross government domestic debt reached Rs. 59.44 trillion, while external debt amounted to Rs. 36.20 trillion. Central government debt increased by 7.39% over the preceding year to Rs. 83.64 trillion. External debt and liabilities stood at US$138.85 billion. These numbers confirm the central argument developed in the a ten-part series published in these columns [‘Bankruptcy of ideas—X: Debt, Taxes & Democracy’, Minute Mirror, June 21, 2026]. Pakistan has not merely borrowed against its future. It has increasingly borrowed to service earlier borrowing, while failing to create sufficient productive capacity from the accumulated debt.   ‏The external debt-servicing profile for FY2026 makes this particularly clear. Pakistan serviced US$21.59 billion of external debt during the year. An extraordinary US$10.14 billion—nearly half of the annual amount—fell in the final quarter alone. Quarterly servicing was 2.63 times the amount paid in the preceding quarter, mainly because principal repayments jumped from US$2.70 billion in the third quarter to US$8.81 billion in the fourth. This concentration of repayments is as important as the overall debt stock. A country may carry a large debt if its economy generates sufficient revenue, exports and foreign exchange to service it. Pakistan’s difficulty is that debt obligations have expanded much faster than the productive and export capacities needed to meet them. The debt accumulated over decades cannot be attributed to one government or one fiscal year. Persistent fiscal deficits, a narrow and inequitable tax base, losses of state-owned enterprises, the energy-sector circular debt, excessive recurrent expenditure, exchange-rate depreciation and repeated balance-of-payments crises have all contributed to it. Borrowing became the preferred substitute for reform.  Governments borrowed because they could not tax influential sectors, restructure loss-making enterprises, reduce wasteful expenditure or build a competitive export economy. External lenders financed temporary stability, while domestic banks financed the fiscal deficit. Each arrangement postponed difficult decisions without removing the causes of the crisis. The Ministry of Finance reported public debt at 70.7% of GDP by June 2025. The ratio may improve when nominal GDP grows faster than debt, especially during periods of inflation, fiscal consolidation and lower interest rates. A declining debt-to-GDP ratio, however, does not necessarily mean that the debt burden has become harmless. Pakistan’s debt stock is still increasing. What has improved is the immediate cost of servicing parts of it. Total debt and liabilities servicing declined from Rs. 13.16 trillion in FY2025 to Rs. 11.97 trillion in FY2026. Interest payments on debt fell by more than 23%, from Rs. 9.47 trillion to Rs. 7.27 trillion, largely because lower policy rates reduced the cost of servicing domestic government debt. Interest payments on gross government domestic debt consequently fell from Rs. 8.08 trillion to Rs5.99 trillion. This is welcome relief. It should not be presented as the end of the debt crisis. Lower interest rates reduce the flow cost of debt; they do not extinguish the stock. Principal repayments on external debt and liabilities increased from Rs. 3.47 trillion to Rs. 4.47 trillion during FY2026. Pakistan therefore obtained relief on domestic interest payments while facing a substantially heavier external repayment burden. The distinction is between debt management and economic transformation. Pakistan may be moving from an acute debt-accumulation crisis towards a more manageable financing position. It has not escaped debtocracy—the system in which fiscal policy, taxation, banking, foreign relations and development priorities become subordinate to the requirements of borrowing and repayment. Debtocracy does not remain confined to the accounts of the Ministry of Finance. It is transmitted throughout the economy. The first channel is the banking system. Government securities offer banks sovereign backing, liquidity and attractive risk-adjusted returns. Lending to the government is easier than evaluating businesses, financing innovation or supporting small and medium enterprises. A large domestic borrowing requirement therefore creates continuous competition for available liquidity. The result is crowding out. The State obtains the funds it requires, banks earn relatively secure returns and the private sector bears the adjustment. Productive businesses face limited access to credit, higher risk premiums and shorter financing horizons. Smaller enterprises suffer the most because they cannot compete with the sovereign for bank liquidity. This creates a financial system that can remain profitable while the productive economy remains weak. Deposits are mobilised from citizens and businesses, channelled into government securities, and then used substantially to meet recurrent expenditure and service earlier debt. Banking expands without an equivalent expansion in productive capacity. The second channel operates through foreign exchange. External debt repayment creates demand for dollars. That demand places pressure on reserves and the current account. Any resulting exchange-rate depreciation increases the rupee value of external liabilities and raises the domestic price of imported fuel, machinery, raw materials and intermediate goods.  The chain is direct: External repayment creates foreign-exchange demand; reserve pressure increases exchange-rate sensitivity; depreciation generates imported inflation; and inflation raises working-capital requirements and production costs. Debt consequently becomes a corporate balance-sheet issue. An industrial enterprise may have no external loan, yet still bear the effects of sovereign external debt through a weaker rupee, costlier imports, higher energy prices and restricted access to domestic credit. Consumers ultimately pay through inflation, reduced employment and lower real incomes. The third channel is fiscal. Every rupee allocated to debt servicing is a rupee unavailable for education, health, water, climate resilience and productive infrastructure—unless the State raises additional revenue or borrows again. Pakistan then enters a circular arrangement: borrowing creates servicing obligations, servicing compresses development expenditure, weak development limits growth and revenue, and insufficient revenue necessitates further borrowing. This is why a primary surplus, though necessary, is not sufficient. It can stabilise debt dynamics, but

  • The Teachings of Hazrat Ali Hajveri (R.A)

    Hazrat Syed Ali bin Usman Al-Hajveri (R.A), popularly venerated as Data Ganj Bakhsh or Data Sahib, occupies a seminal position among the classical Sufi scholars of the Islamic tradition. Born in 1009 CE in Ghazni, present-day Afghanistan, he migrated to Lahore during the Ghaznavid period, where he spent the remainder of his life engaged in instruction, spiritual guidance, and moral reform. He died in 1072 CE and was interred in Lahore, where his shrine remains a major center of religious and cultural activity in South Asia.   The honorifics “Data” and “Ganj Bakhsh” denoting “the Giver” and “Distributor of Treasures” were conferred upon him in recognition of his intellectual munificence and his commitment to philanthropy. Historical and hagiographic sources attest that his hospice was accessible to individuals irrespective of social, linguistic, or religious affiliation. This principle of inclusivity continues to inform the ethos of his shrine, which attracts millions of pilgrims annually from Pakistan and abroad.   Hazrat Data Sahib’s principal scholarly contribution is the Persian treatise Kashf-ul-Mahjoob: The Revelation of the Veiled. Composed in the 11th century, it is regarded as the earliest systematic exposition of Sufism in the Persian language and retains canonical status in seminaries and universities worldwide. In this work, he delineates the interior dimensions of Islam, emphasizing that proximity to the Divine is attained through sincerity of intention, service to humanity, and sustained remembrance of Allah.   At present, his shrine in Lahore, known as Data Darbar, constitutes one of the largest Sufi complexes in South Asia. Daily visitation peaks on Thursdays, and the institution of perpetual langar  the provision of free meals  operationalizes his teaching on social welfare and continues to serve thousands of people each day.   The epistemological and ethical framework of Hazrat Data Sahib’s thought may be summarized under four interrelated principles.   First, he posited love of Allah and His Messenger ﷺ as the teleological basis of human existence. In Kashf-ul-Mahjoob, he argues that worship should proceed not from instrumental motives of fear or expectation of reward, but from authentic love and sincerity. He further contends that the spiritually realized individual maintains constant consciousness of Allah in all states of being.   Second, he advanced service to humanity as a form of worship. Rejecting ascetic withdrawal, he advocated an engaged ethic in which the pursuit of knowledge is coupled with service to the marginalized. His designation as “Ganj Bakhsh” reflects this commitment to the distribution of both material and spiritual resources. Third, he emphasized Tazkiya-e-Nafs, or the purification of the self, as a prerequisite for moral agency. He enjoined his disciples to abstain from vices such as greed, envy, wrath, slander, and pride, and to cultivate virtues including patience (sabr), gratitude (shukr), veracity (sidq), and contentment (qana‘at). For him, authentic knowledge was manifest not merely in textual erudition but in ethical conduct (akhlaq). Fourth, he articulated Sufism as the inward dimension of Shariah. He maintained that observance of ritual obligations  prayer, fasting, and lawful livelihood  must be complemented by dhikr, the remembrance of Allah, to ensure spiritual vitality. He further stressed the necessity of authoritative pedagogy and virtuous companionship as conduits for moral and spiritual development. The teachings of Data Ganj Bakhsh retain considerable relevance in the 21st century. In an era characterized by consumerism, occupational precarity, and digital hyper-connectivity, his advocacy of qana‘at and dhikr offers a corrective to stress, anxiety, and existential vacuity. His framework suggests that psychological equilibrium is derived less from material accumulation than from interior discipline and divine orientation.   Furthermore, his principle of social service addresses contemporary challenges of poverty, isolation, and inequality. The institutionalized langar at Data Darbar exemplifies this ethic and provides a model for civic engagement, volunteerism, and communal solidarity.   In the context of digital communication, his insistence on akhlaq assumes particular salience. His exhortations to truthfulness, humility, and restraint provide a normative basis for addressing online hostility, misinformation, and the erosion of civility. For students and professionals alike, his model affirms that technical competence must be accompanied by moral integrity.   Finally, his doctrine of equilibrium between spiritual and worldly responsibilities offers a viable paradigm for modern Muslim subjects. He did not advocate monasticism, but rather the integration of professional, academic, and technological life with enduring spiritual commitments. This synthesis enables individuals to pursue vocational excellence without compromising ethical values.   In conclusion, the legacy of Hazrat Ali Hajveri (R.A) transcends its historical milieu. Centered on love of Allah, service to humanity, and self-purification, his teachings provide a coherent response to contemporary social and psychological challenges. The adoption of these principles at the individual and communal level holds the potential to foster more just, compassionate, and purpose-driven societies.

  • Man: The Cruelest Animal?

    “Remember your humanity, and forget the rest”— Bertrand Russell and Albert Einstein, The Russell–Einstein Manifesto, 1955   On the morning of August 6, 1945, Hiroshima was a living city. Children were preparing for school, workers were beginning another day, meals were being eaten, conversations remained unfinished and countless ordinary plans had been made for an evening many would never see. At 8:15 am, a single atomic bomb changed all that. In seconds, a city became an inferno and human ingenuity demonstrated what it was capable of when divorced from human conscience. Three days later, Nagasaki suffered the same fate.   More than eight decades have passed, yet the mind still struggles to comprehend what happened. Not merely the scale of destruction, but the extraordinary contradiction it represented. Human beings had acquired sufficient knowledge of physics to split the atom but apparently insufficient wisdom to prevent that knowledge from being used to incinerate fellow human beings. This raises an uncomfortable question: is man the cruellest animal?   Animals kill. Nature is certainly not a sentimental place. Predators hunt for food, animals fight over territory, mates and dominance, and some species occasionally kill for reasons other than immediate survival. Yet no creature other than Homo sapiens has transformed killing into an organised industry. No animal constructs factories to manufacture weapons capable of destroying entire cities. None develops elaborate ideologies to justify mass slaughter, calculates acceptable casualties or decorates members of its species for becoming exceptionally efficient at killing others. Only the supposedly “wise man” has achieved such sophistication.   The atomic bombings cannot, of course, be examined outside the horrors of the Second World War. Nazi Germany had perpetrated the holocaust. Imperial Japan had committed horrific atrocities across Asia. Cities had already been devastated by conventional and incendiary bombing. Millions of soldiers and civilians were dead. Defenders of the decision to use atomic weapons maintain that the bombs accelerated Japan’s surrender and avoided an invasion that could have caused enormous casualties on both sides. Critics have long questioned whether alternatives existed and whether the second bombing, in particular, was necessary.   Historians may continue debating these questions. Humanity must confront another. At what point does military necessity cease to provide moral shelter for the deliberate infliction of unimaginable suffering upon civilians? Perhaps the most disturbing legacy of Hiroshima and Nagasaki is not simply that atomic bombs were used. It is that humanity had reached a stage where the destruction of enormous number of ordinary people could be incorporated into strategic calculation. Human beings had become numbers. Therein lies the first requirement of organised cruelty: dehumanisation.   Before we can inflict unbearable suffering upon others, we must somehow stop seeing them as ourselves. They become the enemy, an alien race, religion, nationality, sect or ideology. Children become unfortunate collateral damage. Dead bodies become casualty figures. Destroyed neighbourhoods become strategic targets. Language performs the anaesthesia that conscience might otherwise refuse. Once human beings are converted into categories, almost anything becomes possible.   History is littered with evidence. Colonial atrocities required subject populations to be regarded as inferior. Ethnic cleansing requires neighbours to become enemies. Genocide requires individual faces to disappear behind collective labels. Modern warfare similarly becomes easier to tolerate when suffering is viewed through satellite images rather than through the eyes of a mother holding her dead child. Perhaps that explains one of the strangest contradictions of our species. The same human hand that tenderly caresses a newborn can press the button that launches a missile towards somebody else’s newborn.   The same species that produces Mozart and Rumi, builds hospitals, writes poetry, explores distant planets and risks lives rescuing strangers from disasters also constructs concentration camps, torture chambers, chemical weapons and nuclear warheads. How can such tenderness and such barbarity inhabit the same creature?   We proudly call ourselves civilised. Yet civilisation cannot merely mean technological advancement. If anything, technology without corresponding moral advancement makes human beings more dangerous, not less. A primitive weapon can kill one person. Human intelligence created weapons capable of killing millions. Science gives us power. It does not necessarily give us wisdom. That distinction should haunt us.   The scientists who unlocked the secrets of the atom demonstrated one of humanity’s greatest intellectual achievements. But when knowledge becomes separated from ethics, achievement can become catastrophe. Ten years after Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Bertrand Russell and Albert Einstein, together with other distinguished scientists, issued their famous manifesto warning humanity about nuclear war. Their appeal was breathtakingly simple: “Remember your humanity, and forget the rest.”   What an extraordinary plea to have to make to human beings. Remember that the person across the border is human. Remember that the child beneath the rubble is human. Remember that the mother screaming outside a hospital is human. Remember that beneath uniforms, flags, religions, ethnicities and nationalities beats essentially the same vulnerable human heart.   Yet eighty-one years after Hiroshima, humanity still maintains nuclear arsenals capable of inflicting destruction on a scale those who witnessed 1945 could scarcely have imagined. Governments speak comfortably of deterrence, strategic balance, tactical nuclear weapons and acceptable responses. Behind this sophisticated vocabulary lies an elementary reality: we have created instruments capable of annihilating ourselves and entrusted their possible use to human beings subject to anger, ambition, miscalculation and fear. What could be more absurd?   Perhaps the problem lies in our understanding of civilisation itself. We measure progress through economic growth, scientific discovery, technological innovation and military capability. We celebrate artificial intelligence, space exploration and machines capable of performing tasks once thought impossible but are we becoming better human beings? Can technological advancement truly be called progress if our moral consciousness remains primitive?   The jungle may be brutal, but it possesses no Hiroshima, no Nagasaki, no Bosnia, no Rwanda and no Gaza. Animals do not convene conferences to plan genocide. They do not manufacture propaganda to persuade millions to hate strangers. They do not teach generations to inherit ancient hostilities. Above all, they have never developed

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