empty classrooms digital

Empty Classrooms, Digital Classrooms: Reimagining …

By Engineer Arshad Hameed Abbasi, International Energy, Climate Change and Water Security Practitioner and Engineer Idrees Abbasi, Former Consultant, World Bank,  and Mr. Amjad Butt, Writer; Secretary General, Murree Literary Council, resident of [address].

 

 There is a particular kind of grief in watching an institution outlive its usefulness while still drawing a salary, still cutting ribbons, still issuing degrees that mean less each year they are printed. That is where Pakistan’s higher education system stands today, and it is time someone said so plainly: the paradigm has already shifted, quietly, without anyone in Islamabad’s marble offices noticing. It shifted on YouTube, on TED, on edX and Udemy and Khan Academy, in a thousand free lecture halls that never asked a single Pakistani student for tuition, a hostel fee, or four years of their life. The only people who have not caught up are the ones still running the old one. There is a particular kind of grief in watching an institution outlive its usefulness while still drawing a salary, still cutting ribbons, still issuing degrees that mean less each year they are printed. That is where Pakistan’s higher education system stands today, and it is time someone said so plainly: the paradigm has already shifted, quietly, without anyone in Islamabad’s marble offices noticing. It shifted on YouTube, on TED, on edX and Udemy and Khan Academy, in a thousand free lecture halls that never asked a single Pakistani student for tuition, a hostel fee, or four years of their life. The only people who have not caught up are the ones still running the old one.

For decades, the deal offered to a Pakistani student was simple: surrender your time, your family’s savings, and your twenties to a physical campus, and in exchange receive knowledge you could not get anywhere else. That deal is dead. A seventeen-year-old with a smartphone and a working internet connection can now watch a Nobel laureate explain quantum mechanics, follow a structural engineer walk through a seismic design calculation line by line, or sit in on a Stanford lecture on macroeconomics — all free, all on demand, all taught by people who are, in most cases, simply better at their subject than the men and women drawing a professor’s salary in the classroom down the road. The tragedy is not that this content exists. The tragedy is that almost no one in a position of authority ever told the students it was there. For decades, the deal offered to a Pakistani student was simple: surrender your time, your family’s savings, and your twenties to a physical campus, and in exchange receive knowledge you could not get anywhere else. That deal is dead. A seventeen-year-old with a smartphone and a working internet connection can now watch a Nobel laureate explain quantum mechanics, follow a structural engineer walk through a seismic design calculation line by line, or sit in on a Stanford lecture on macroeconomics — all free, all on demand, all taught by people who are, in most cases, simply better at their subject than the men and women drawing a professor’s salary in the classroom down the road. The tragedy is not that this content exists. The tragedy is that almost no one in a position of authority ever told the students it was there.

Ask yourself honestly: when was the last time a Vice Chancellor stood in front of a first-year class and said, “Before you trust anything I teach you, go watch the version of this lecture that MIT put online for free, and come back and tell me if I taught it better”? It has not happened, and it will not happen, because the entire architecture of Pakistani higher education depends on students not asking that question. It depends on the fiction that a degree is the same thing as an education, that a seat in a lecture hall for four years is the same thing as understanding, and that an institution’s worth can be measured in acres of campus rather than in what a graduate can actually do when the exam is over and the job begins.Ask yourself honestly: when was the last time a Vice Chancellor stood in front of a first-year class and said, “Before you trust anything I teach you, go watch the version of this lecture that MIT put online for free, and come back and tell me if I taught it better”? It has not happened, and it will not happen, because the entire architecture of Pakistani higher education depends on students not asking that question. It depends on the fiction that a degree is the same thing as an education, that a seat in a lecture hall for four years is the same thing as understanding, and that an institution’s worth can be measured in acres of campus rather than in what a graduate can actually do when the exam is over and the job begins.

We do not need to guess what an alternative looks like, because the world has already built it. Universities that were once measured by the size of their footprint are now measured by the depth of their content and the reach of their delivery. Institutions like the National University of Singapore have shown that a compact, space-efficient campus married to serious digital delivery outperforms sprawling, underused infrastructure every time. Meanwhile, in Pakistan, students still find themselves inside partially built mega-campuses, sitting in half-used lecture halls, being taught by professors whose most recent research contribution was a maintenance grant, while the actual global classroom — free, current, taught by the best minds alive — sits one browser tab away, untouched, unmentioned, unrecommended by the very people whose job it was to point students toward it.We do not need to guess what an alternative looks like, because the world has already built it. Universities that were once measured by the size of their footprint are now measured by the depth of their content and the reach of their delivery. Institutions like the National University of Singapore have shown that a compact, space-efficient campus married to serious digital delivery outperforms sprawling, underused infrastructure every time. Meanwhile, in Pakistan, students still find themselves inside partially built mega-campuses, sitting in half-used lecture halls, being taught by professors whose most recent research contribution was a maintenance grant, while the actual global classroom — free, current, taught by the best minds alive — sits one browser tab away, untouched, unmentioned, unrecommended by the very people whose job it was to point students toward it.

Two cases make this failure impossible to wave away as an abstraction. At Kohsar University, Murree, students told us plainly, in their own words, that the free video lectures on their phones taught them more, more clearly, and more usefully than what they were receiving inside the classroom — a university sitting at over 7,600 feet that has still, decades into Murree’s existence, never grown into the institution its setting deserves. At the University of Chakwal, the pattern inverted but the failure was the same: a campus built out past any enrollment or capacity that could plausibly justify it, laboratories and halls constructed for a student body that was never going to fill them, infrastructure mistaken for education. Neither institution has ever published a key performance indicator for its own leadership. Neither has ever been asked, in public, to show what a graduate can actually do that a free online course could not have taught them just as well, at a fraction of the cost, without the concrete. These are not isolated embarrassments. They are what happens, predictably, when a system rewards the square footage of a campus and asks nothing at all about the square inch of a student’s actual understanding.

So let us say the uncomfortable thing plainly: it is time to shelve the old model of the Higher Education Commission as a degree-issuing, campus-building bureaucracy, and replace its actual function — the thing it was supposed to do, which is help Pakistani students become genuinely educated — with something built for how learning actually happens now. Not a ministry. A server. A single, serious, well-curated national learning platform, free at the point of use, open eighteen hours a day if that is what students need, that does not try to compete with MIT or Stanford by pretending to reinvent their content, but instead does the one thing no foreign platform will ever do for us: organise the best already-existing open lectures, video demonstrations, and practical walkthroughs in science, social science, and engineering into a coherent, Pakistan-relevant curriculum, mapped to the concepts our students actually need to master, in the language and context they actually live in. So let us say the uncomfortable thing plainly: it is time to shelve the old model of the Higher Education Commission as a degree-issuing, campus-building bureaucracy, and replace its actual function — the thing it was supposed to do, which is help Pakistani students become genuinely educated — with something built for how learning actually happens now. Not a ministry. A server. A single, serious, well-curated national learning platform, free at the point of use, open eighteen hours a day if that is what students need, that does not try to compete with MIT or Stanford by pretending to reinvent their content, but instead does the one thing no foreign platform will ever do for us: organise the best already-existing open lectures, video demonstrations, and practical walkthroughs in science, social science, and engineering into a coherent, Pakistan-relevant curriculum, mapped to the concepts our students actually need to master, in the language and context they actually live in.

This is not a call to abandon rigour. It is the opposite. A physics student who has only ever heard a formula recited in a crowded lecture hall, half-copied into a notebook before the professor moved on, has not learned physics. A physics student who has watched the same concept demonstrated three different ways, by three different teachers, with the actual apparatus shown on screen, pausing and rewinding until the idea finally sits still in their mind — that student has built a foundation. Engineering above all cannot survive on recitation. A structural engineer who has never watched a real failure analysis, a real load test, a real demonstration of how a beam actually bends before it breaks, is not being trained; they are being credentialed. Video does not replace the workshop and the laboratory. But it can, for the first time in this country’s history, replace the lecture hall — and free every laboratory hour we do have for the demonstrations and hands-on work that video genuinely cannot substitute.This is not a call to abandon rigour. It is the opposite. A physics student who has only ever heard a formula recited in a crowded lecture hall, half-copied into a notebook before the professor moved on, has not learned physics. A physics student who has watched the same concept demonstrated three different ways, by three different teachers, with the actual apparatus shown on screen, pausing and rewinding until the idea finally sits still in their mind — that student has built a foundation. Engineering above all cannot survive on recitation. A structural engineer who has never watched a real failure analysis, a real load test, a real demonstration of how a beam actually bends before it breaks, is not being trained; they are being credentialed. Video does not replace the workshop and the laboratory. But it can, for the first time in this country’s history, replace the lecture hall — and free every laboratory hour we do have for the demonstrations and hands-on work that video genuinely cannot substitute.

There will be objections, and they deserve an honest answer rather than a dismissal. Not every student has reliable internet or electricity, and any serious version of this proposal has to reckon with that gap before it reckons with anything else — through offline downloadable content, through campus-based access points, through partnerships that get connectivity to the students who need it most, not just the ones already comfortable online. Employers will ask what a credential from a national learning platform is actually worth, and that question deserves a real answer built on assessed competence, not just video views — proctored testing, practical demonstration of skill, verified project work, the things a degree was supposed to certify in the first place but too often no longer does. None of these are reasons to abandon the idea. They are the actual work that a serious version of this reform requires, and work is not the same as impossibility. There will be objections, and they deserve an honest answer rather than a dismissal. Not every student has reliable internet or electricity, and any serious version of this proposal has to reckon with that gap before it reckons with anything else — through offline downloadable content, through campus-based access points, through partnerships that get connectivity to the students who need it most, not just the ones already comfortable online. Employers will ask what a credential from a national learning platform is actually worth, and that question deserves a real answer built on assessed competence, not just video views — proctored testing, practical demonstration of skill, verified project work, the things a degree was supposed to certify in the first place but too often no longer does. None of these are reasons to abandon the idea. They are the actual work that a serious version of this reform requires, and work is not the same as impossibility.

The same platform should not stop at science, social science, and engineering. A generation of Pakistani graduates fluent only in Urdu and English is a generation quietly locked out of most of the world’s job market before they ever apply. The same server that teaches a student how a bridge carries load should teach them French, Arabic, German, and Spanish — not as an elective luxury reserved for the children of the wealthy who can afford a private language centre, but as a core, freely available track alongside every other subject. Arabic opens the Gulf, where millions of Pakistanis already work and where fluency, not just labour, would let the next generation move from construction sites into boardrooms. French and German open Francophone Africa, Europe, and some of the world’s strongest engineering and manufacturing economies. Spanish opens a market of over twenty countries. A doctor, an engineer, or a teacher who can work competently in a second or third language is not just more employable; they are a form of export Pakistan has barely begun to take seriously, at a moment when remittances already keep large parts of this economy standing. Language, taught the same way as physics or engineering — through structured practice, real conversation, and consistent daily exposure rather than a single memorised semester — is not a soft addition to this platform. It is one of its most economically serious purposes. The same platform should not stop at science, social science, and engineering. A generation of Pakistani graduates fluent only in Urdu and English is a generation quietly locked out of most of the world’s job market before they ever apply. The same server that teaches a student how a bridge carries load should teach them French, Arabic, German, and Spanish — not as an elective luxury reserved for the children of the wealthy who can afford a private language centre, but as a core, freely available track alongside every other subject. Arabic opens the Gulf, where millions of Pakistanis already work and where fluency, not just labour, would let the next generation move from construction sites into boardrooms. French and German open Francophone Africa, Europe, and some of the world’s strongest engineering and manufacturing economies. Spanish opens a market of over twenty countries. A doctor, an engineer, or a teacher who can work competently in a second or third language is not just more employable; they are a form of export Pakistan has barely begun to take seriously, at a moment when remittances already keep large parts of this economy standing. Language, taught the same way as physics or engineering — through structured practice, real conversation, and consistent daily exposure rather than a single memorised semester — is not a soft addition to this platform. It is one of its most economically serious purposes.

This is not a proposal offered from the sidelines. Engineer Arshad H. Abbasi and his son, Engineer Musa Arshad Abbasi, are themselves at work building a version of exactly this server — a platform designed to hold a student’s attention on genuine learning for ten to twelve hours a day, not through compulsion, but by making the material good enough, current enough, and practical enough that it earns that time honestly. Alongside its science, social science, and engineering content, it is being built to carry the same four languages — French, Arabic, German, and Spanish — as a core part of what it teaches, not an afterthought. It is offered here not as a hypothetical for someone else to eventually build, but as a project already underway, by a father and son who have spent their own careers watching this country’s institutions fail to do what a determined family, and a server, might yet manage to do instead.This is not a proposal offered from the sidelines. Engineer Arshad H. Abbasi and his son, Engineer Musa Arshad Abbasi, are themselves at work building a version of exactly this server — a platform designed to hold a student’s attention on genuine learning for ten to twelve hours a day, not through compulsion, but by making the material good enough, current enough, and practical enough that it earns that time honestly. Alongside its science, social science, and engineering content, it is being built to carry the same four languages — French, Arabic, German, and Spanish — as a core part of what it teaches, not an afterthought. It is offered here not as a hypothetical for someone else to eventually build, but as a project already underway, by a father and son who have spent their own careers watching this country’s institutions fail to do what a determined family, and a server, might yet manage to do instead.

What should not survive this conversation is the assumption that Pakistan’s talent is the problem. It never was. This country’s young people have proven, again and again, that given the right tools they can compete with anyone on earth — in mathematics olympiads, in engineering, in the quiet, determined way a generation has taught itself to code and design and build using nothing more than a phone and a data plan, often despite their universities rather than because of them. What has failed them is an institutional imagination frozen in the era of the physical lecture hall, defending its own relevance long after the students it was meant to serve had already logged on somewhere else and started learning without it.What should not survive this conversation is the assumption that Pakistan’s talent is the problem. It never was. This country’s young people have proven, again and again, that given the right tools they can compete with anyone on earth — in mathematics olympiads, in engineering, in the quiet, determined way a generation has taught itself to code and design and build using nothing more than a phone and a data plan, often despite their universities rather than because of them. What has failed them is an institutional imagination frozen in the era of the physical lecture hall, defending its own relevance long after the students it was meant to serve had already logged on somewhere else and started learning without it.

The lecture hall is empty now, in every way that matters. The only kindness left is to finally admit it, and build something that meets these students where they already are. The lecture hall is empty now, in every way that matters. The only kindness left is to finally admit it, and build something that meets these students where they already are.

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Likewise, Article 15 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Pakistan is a State Party, reiterates the same prohibition against retrospective criminal liability while recognising only the limited exception relating to offences recognised under the general principles of international law. Comparable constitutional protection is also found in the United States Constitution, where Article I, Sections 9 and 10 expressly prohibit Congress and the States from enacting ex post facto laws. This prohibition has long been regarded as a fundamental limitation upon legislative authority and reflects a universal constitutional commitment to fairness in criminal justice. The superior courts of Pakistan have consistently treated Article 12 as an indispensable constitutional safeguard. In Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif v. 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A significant constitutional question concerns the offence of high treason under Article 6 of the Constitution. High treason, comprising the abrogation, subversion, suspension, or holding in abeyance of the Constitution, represents the gravest constitutional offence. Through the Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Act, 2010, Parliament expanded Article 6 to include persons who aid, abet, collaborate with, or validate such unconstitutional acts. Nevertheless, Article 12 continues to apply with full constitutional force. Even in prosecutions for high treason, criminal liability and punishment cannot be imposed retrospectively. Any legislative amendment increasing punishment or enlarging criminal liability can operate only prospectively and cannot constitutionally affect acts committed before its enactment. The historical experience of constitutional development further demonstrates the importance of this principle. Following the restoration of the English monarchy, the remains of Oliver Cromwell were exhumed in 1661 upon the orders of Charles II, symbolically hanged, beheaded, and publicly displayed. Although this episode belonged to a different constitutional era, it illustrates the dangers of political vengeance unconstrained by constitutional guarantees. Modern constitutional democracies reject such practices and instead insist that criminal justice must always be governed by legality, due process, and prospective application of penal laws. Article 12, therefore, is not merely a procedural safeguard but a substantive manifestation of constitutionalism itself. It preserves the supremacy of law over arbitrary power, protects individual liberty against retrospective criminal legislation, and strengthens public confidence in the fairness and integrity of the criminal justice system. Together with Articles 4, 9, and 10A of the Constitution, it forms an integral part of Pakistan’s constitutional architecture for the protection of human dignity, legal certainty, and the rule of law. Article 12 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973, is a cornerstone of constitutionalism and the rule of law. By prohibiting retrospective criminal legislation and the retrospective enhancement of punishment, it embodies the fundamental principle of nullum crimen, nulla poena sine lege, ensuring that no person is punished except in accordance with the law in force at the time of the alleged offence. In conjunction with Articles 4, 9, and 10A, Article 12 protects legal certainty, due process, and individual liberty while preventing arbitrary or politically

  • A Second Great Wall of Trust: Why Only China Can F…

    By General Ghulam Mustafa & Arshad H Abbasi  We have stood together at the foot of the Great Wall of China more than once at different times, but today a thought has returned to both of us, unspoken until now. The Wall runs some 21,196 kilometres across dynasties and deserts, built stone by stone over centuries to secure a civilization’s frontier. Pakistan’s own most dangerous frontier — the Durand Line separating us from Afghanistan — runs roughly 2,625 kilometres, barely an eighth of that length. If a civilization on the scale of China could raise a barrier of that magnitude with the tools of the third century BC, then securing a border less than an eighth as long, with the tools of the twenty-first century, cannot be beyond the reach of the partnership Beijing and Islamabad have built. We do not ask China to build us a wall of stone. We ask Beijing to help us build something sturdier: a wall of enforced accountability against the militants using Afghan soil to bleed Pakistan dry. That bleeding is not a metaphor. Since the Afghan Taliban returned to power in Kabul, the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan has operated with a freedom of movement across our western border that it never enjoyed before. Balochistan burns. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa buries its soldiers and its schoolchildren in the same week. And now the shockwaves have reached Punjab, the country’s demographic and economic core. Every honest accounting of this violence traces back to the same source: sanctuary, training, and logistical freedom on Afghan soil, tolerated or unchecked by an administration in Kabul that owes its survival, in no small part, to Chinese patience and Chinese capital. This is why we write to Beijing, and to Beijing specifically, rather than to Washington, Brussels, or Moscow. Survey after survey inside Pakistan finds that well over eight in ten of our citizens consider China, not any Western power, to be Pakistan’s true friend. Our leaders have called this friendship higher than the Himalayas and deeper than the ocean, and we do not repeat that line as ceremony. We repeat it because it is the only frame in which Beijing can hear what we are about to say plainly: no other country on earth holds the leverage over the Taliban that China holds, and no other country has more to lose from squandering it. Consider what China has already built in Afghanistan without formal recognition of its government. The Xinjiang Central Asia Petroleum and Gas Company signed a twenty-five-year contract to develop the Amu Darya oil basin, committing roughly $150 million annually and scaling toward $540 million over three years. State-backed firms continue to negotiate the long-stalled Mes Aynak copper concession, one of the largest untapped copper deposits on earth, alongside serious interest in Afghan lithium and iron ore. Beijing has cut tariffs on 98 % of Afghan imports. An active Chinese embassy operates in Kabul today, accepting Taliban-appointed diplomats, even as formal recognition is withheld. This is not incidental engagement. This is the deepest economic relationship any major power currently has with the Taliban administration, and it gives China something no airstrike or sanction regime has ever given anyone: the ability to make continued investment conditional on results. We are asking Beijing to use that leverage with the same discipline it has already shown in defending its own security interests. China has made clear, repeatedly and without apology, that it will not tolerate the Turkistan Islamic Party or East Turkistan Islamic Movement fighters operating from Afghan territory against Xinjiang. We are asking only that China extend that identical, non-negotiable standard to the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and its allied networks operating against us. If Kabul can be made to understand that Chinese mining contracts, Chinese tariff relief, and Chinese diplomatic cover all depend on a genuine, verifiable crackdown on TTP sanctuaries, this insurgency does not need years to end. It needs a Kabul administration that finally has more to lose from harbouring militants than from disowning them. But security pressure alone will not hold, and here we want to be honest about what Afghanistan actually needs from its neighbours, China chief among them. Afghanistan’s national literacy rate stands at just 37 % — 52 % among men, a mere 27 % among women — and UNESCO reports that more than nine in ten ten-year-olds in the country cannot read a simple sentence. Two point two million adolescent girls remain locked out of secondary school entirely, the only country on earth to enforce such a ban, at a projected cost to Afghanistan’s own economy of nearly $9.6 billion in lost potential by 2066. No pipeline, no copper mine, and no railway line will stabilize a country where the next generation cannot read the contracts, safety manuals, or engineering plans that would let them run these projects themselves. It is China’s duty, as the neighbour with the deepest economic stake and the clearest long-term interest in a stable Afghanistan, to make literacy, vocational training, and the reopening of girls’ education a hard condition of its investment — not out of charity, but because an illiterate, disenfranchised population is the same population the TTP and ETIM recruit from. Afghanistan does not need a foreign army. It needs classrooms, teachers, and a workforce equipped to build the country’s own future, backed by an investor patient and disciplined enough to insist on it. Every failed intervention in Afghanistan’s modern history has shared the same flaw: outsiders who came to fight a war, not to build a neighbour. Britain came and left. The Soviet Union came and left, at ruinous cost to itself. NATO and the United States spent two decades and did not leave functioning institutions behind them. China is different in the one respect that matters most: China is not leaving. It shares a border with Afghanistan. Its investments are measured in decades, not electoral cycles. And it has, through the Belt and Road Initiative and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, already built the template for what real

  • The Exorbitant Cost Of Numbness

    By Hamza Bio: The author is a student at LUMS from Quetta, Baluchistan, majoring in political science. Cobwebs clung to the corners. Old things lay strewn across the floor. Musty air permeated the room, heavy with a dense smell. And there lay Muntaha, old enough to shoulder a schoolbag, yet young enough to trust that the world outside would not betray her. A seven-year-old child assaulted, raped, and murdered. Was it an aberration, a crime so atrocious that it crossed the bounds of abomination—liable to be dismissed as the work of a depraved mind? Facts offer an utterly different story. Eighteen-month-old Aizal recently met the same fate. Mir Raza, a young IBA graduate and a thriving businessman with a promising life stretching before him, was robbed of his life; his post-mortem examination revealed traces of acid and marks of torture that his body bore. Different names. Different stories. Yet testifying to the same grim pattern that recurs persistently. And perhaps more distressing is our habituation to it: another story breaks, headlines saturate social media feeds, condolences arrive, vacuous promises follow, and eventually, the outrage subsides. Until it happens again. With each gruelling episode, our emotional responses are sapped. That which once transfixed us with horror now hardly unsettles us. The gravity does not diminish; we resign ourselves to the dismal reality. What’s even more disturbing is the gradual erosion of our capacity to acutely realise the weight of these atrocities. This phenomenon ought not to be labelled as apathy. Apathy is much simpler: it is the vacancy of feeling. What we are experiencing is something far more pernicious: a gradual distortion of our senses, recalibrating what we consider shocking. We are undergoing an unconscious normalisation and readjustment to realities that are far from normal. Accustomed to darkness, we watch the very conception of light wither away. We do not cease to care. We require more to feel the same empathy and gravitas that were once instantly evoked. The implications of this shifting baseline are dire. Now for a story to break through, it requires something more heart-rending. It must involve fire, a child, acid, or a lynching to pierce through the noise—although briefly. We have not become cruel; our threshold has changed, filtering out and grading horrors on a curve. And the worst part? We scarcely realise the higher standard that we establish. There is a peculiar cruelty that this readjustment entails. No one consents to feel less over a murdered child, an acid attack, or a sexual assault. It unfolds and creeps in us in increments: one story, one headline, one brutality, one brief sigh. Until the sum of it all is a society that can read about Aizal, Muntaha, and Mir Raza in a single sitting, with its emotional faculties completely exhausted. The prevailing emotion changes from fury to fatigue. What we are surrendering, with each successive case, is not compassion; it is accountability. Accountability when it matters the most, until the headlines fade away from our feeds, the case is buried in the docket, and the victim is swallowed by history—before another name appears to draw another sigh of grief. A society that, though unconsciously, decides to exist beside crimes instead of demanding a reckoning for the culpable is perpetually doomed to remain rife with them because the ability to feel, to question, and to compel accountability has been effectively degraded. The outcome of it all is not that we will turn a blind eye to the horrors; we will grieve—briefly, outrageously, sincerely, and uselessly. Our grief will remain precisely in the same fashion but will fail to prevent such abhorrent acts because the mechanism that might have translated outrage into tangible outcome has been rendered inoperative through the desensitising monotony of repetition. The result? A society that has stopped reacting meaningfully. Brief outcry coupled with a hollow response results in a late, defanged, or no outcome at all. The perpetrators, who may have been deterred by the consequences, now have less to dread. Thus, further crime is bred, and its miscreants emboldened. Desensitization is a distinct peril from the crimes that breed it in the first place. It consistently curtails the cost of crime for everyone still capable of inflicting it. When the very alarm that stirs our conscience has been paralysed, a subtle message is whispered that another child, another toddler, or another youth awaits the same fate as Muntaha, Aizal, or Mir Raza.  

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