pakistan8217s college education

Pakistan’s College Education Crisis

Educational debates in Pakistan usually begin with schools and end with universities. Somewhere in between lies a vast public college network that has quietly undergone a transformation without receiving the reforms necessary to sustain it. For decades, colleges were viewed merely as institutions imparting Intermediate education. That perception is now obsolete. Government colleges across Pakistan award four-year BS degrees, supervise undergraduate research, implement semester systems, and produce graduates completing sixteen years of education. They have become institutions of higher education in every meaningful sense except in the standards by which they recruit, promote and evaluate their faculty.

The real crisis begins not when institutions disappear but when they continue to exist while quietly abandoning the purpose they were meant to serve. Pakistan’s college education system increasingly reflects this uncomfortable reality. Buildings stand, classrooms remain occupied, salaries are paid and degrees continue to be awarded, yet the intellectual purpose that ought to define higher education is steadily weakening. The system continues to function, but it no longer asks whether it is producing scholars, researchers and critical thinkers or merely issuing degrees.

This contradiction is not merely administrative. It is national. Countries do not build knowledge economies simply by increasing enrolment or opening new campuses. They do so by ensuring that those entrusted with educating the next generation possess the intellectual depth, scholarly discipline and professional integrity demanded by higher education. Pakistan has expanded the responsibilities of its colleges without fundamentally reforming the standards governing those who teach in them. It is this mismatch between expanding responsibilities and stagnant reforms that explains much of the present crisis.

History offers repeated warnings against confusing continuity with progress. Great civilisations have seldom been defeated by ignorance alone; far more often, they have been weakened by their refusal to reform. Ancient Troy believed its mighty walls guaranteed safety until destruction entered concealed within the famous wooden horse. Institutions, too, often collapse not because external forces overwhelm them but because internal weaknesses become too familiar to recognise. Pakistan’s colleges face a similar danger. The greatest threat is not inadequate infrastructure or declining enrolment. It is the quiet normalisation of standards that no longer correspond with the responsibilities these institutions now carry.

Perhaps nowhere is this more evident than in faculty recruitment.

Every education system is ultimately only as strong as the people it appoints to teach. Laboratories, libraries and curricula matter, but they cannot compensate for weak academic recruitment. A nation’s classrooms reflect the intellectual standards it establishes at the point of entry into the profession. Countries that consistently perform well in higher education understand this principle with remarkable clarity.

Finland recruits teachers from among its highest-performing graduates and treats teaching as one of the country’s most competitive professions. Singapore invests heavily in teacher selection, structured professional development and continuous evaluation throughout an educator’s career. South Korea subjects aspiring academics to rigorous competition, while Germany closely links academic progression with scholarly achievement and research productivity. These countries differ in culture, politics and economic history, yet they share one conviction that higher education depends first and foremost upon the quality of its faculty.

Pakistan, regrettably, often operates on a different assumption.

Recruitment is frequently treated as the culmination of academic achievement rather than its beginning. A lecturer appointed with only a sixteen years education may spend an entire career within the same system without acquiring higher qualifications or contributing substantially to research, yet still retire after holding senior academic positions carrying the titles of Associate Professor or Professor. Such a framework might have appeared understandable when colleges were primarily institutions for Intermediate education. It becomes increasingly indefensible once those same institutions award undergraduate degrees equivalent to those offered by universities.

Academic titles should signify scholarly accomplishment rather than the mere passage of time. Across the world, the designation of Professor represents sustained intellectual contribution, recognised research, advanced qualifications and academic leadership. When promotion depends overwhelmingly upon seniority rather than scholarship, titles gradually lose their meaning. The loss is not symbolic alone. It diminishes public confidence in higher education itself.

This is not an argument against experience. Experience remains indispensable in teaching. A seasoned educator often possesses insights that no newly qualified academic can immediately acquire. Classrooms are enriched by years of interaction with students, evolving pedagogical techniques and practical wisdom accumulated over decades.

Experience, however, should complement scholarship, not replace it.

Knowledge no longer remains static for an entire career. Disciplines evolve at astonishing speed. Artificial Intelligence is reshaping linguistics, medicine, engineering, law and the humanities alike. Climate science has transformed environmental studies. Digital humanities have altered literary scholarship. Advances in neuroscience continue redefining educational psychology. A qualification earned thirty years ago, valuable though it remains, cannot alone certify mastery over fields that have changed beyond recognition.

Medicine provides an obvious comparison. No patient would willingly place complete trust in a surgeon who had never updated professional knowledge after graduation. Engineers continually adapt to changing technologies and safety standards. Judges engage with evolving constitutional interpretation. Military officers undergo regular professional education throughout their service. Every serious profession recognises that learning is continuous.

Higher education cannot become the sole profession where intellectual growth effectively ends with appointment.

The irony is that Pakistan’s college sector contains thousands of exceptionally capable teachers who have voluntarily pursued MPhil and PhD degrees despite limited institutional incentives. Many complete advanced research while balancing heavy teaching schedules, administrative responsibilities and family obligations. Their commitment deserves recognition because it reflects a genuine desire to improve professionally rather than merely fulfil formal requirements.

Yet the existing structure frequently sends the opposite message. Promotion often rewards waiting more consistently than learning. When advanced qualifications receive insufficient institutional value, the incentive to pursue rigorous scholarship inevitably weakens. No education system can flourish if intellectual ambition appears optional while seniority remains sufficient.

The anomaly becomes even more striking when one examines the present hierarchy within many public colleges. It is no longer uncommon to find an MPhil-qualified lecturer or even a PhD serving under an officer whose highest academic qualification remains a an undergraduate degree obtained decades earlier. Respect for seniority is a cherished academic tradition and ought never to be discarded. Administrative experience has its own value, and wisdom acquired over years of teaching deserves recognition. Yet respect for experience cannot become an argument against academic advancement.

The issue is not one of personalities; it is one of principles.

A system that allows higher qualifications to become academically irrelevant eventually discourages the pursuit of excellence itself. When a young academic spends six or seven years completing an MPhil or PhD, publishes research, presents papers at conferences and contributes to scholarly debates, only to discover that these achievements have little bearing on career progression within the college sector, the institution unintentionally tells its brightest minds that intellectual effort is secondary to the passage of time. Such messages could be more damaging for a knowledge-based society.

The irony becomes even deeper because the same colleges are now entrusted with awarding BS degrees recognised by the Higher Education Commission. Undergraduate education is no longer an extension of school education; it is the first stage of higher education. Students are expected to undertake research projects, conduct literature reviews, analyse data, prepare dissertations and engage with contemporary scholarship. Such expectations cannot be fulfilled through teaching alone. They require faculty who themselves remain active participants in scholarly inquiry.

Here lies the fundamental inconsistency.

For universities, the Higher Education Commission has laid down clear standards regarding qualifications, research publications and academic progression. An Assistant Professor is expected to possess qualifications that reflect advanced scholarship. Promotion to Associate Professor and Professor requires demonstrable research output published in recognised journals alongside academic contributions extending beyond classroom teaching. The philosophy behind these requirements is simple. Universities exist not merely to disseminate knowledge but also to produce it.

Public colleges now perform many of the same academic functions, yet large sections of the promotion structure continue to operate according to assumptions inherited from a period when undergraduate education was not their responsibility. The result is an educational hybrid in which institutions have become universities in function but not in professional standards.

This duality serves neither students nor teachers.

If a BS degree awarded by a college carries the same academic value as one awarded by a university, then students deserve comparable academic standards irrespective of where they study. The principle is not difficult to understand. Equality of degrees must imply equality of academic expectations. Otherwise, identical qualifications begin to represent unequal educational experiences.

The Higher Education Commission’s framework should therefore not remain confined to universities alone. It should gradually extend to all public colleges offering sixteen years of education. This does not require mechanically transplanting every university regulation into the college system. Colleges have distinct administrative realities and heavier teaching responsibilities. Nevertheless, the fundamental principles should remain identical. Recruitment should increasingly prioritise advanced qualifications. Promotions should depend not merely upon years of service but also upon scholarly achievement, professional development and measurable academic contribution. Research should become an expectation rather than an exception.

Critics may argue that research belongs to universities and not to colleges. Such a distinction might have carried weight two decades ago. It carries very little today.

Across the world, undergraduate teaching is increasingly enriched by faculty who remain engaged with current scholarship. Students benefit when teachers are not merely consumers of knowledge but contributors to it. A lecturer actively involved in research introduces students to evolving debates rather than outdated certainties. Classrooms become places of inquiry instead of repetition. Facts are no longer memorised merely because textbooks record them; they are questioned, analysed and tested against emerging evidence.

Teaching and research are often portrayed as competing responsibilities. In reality, they sustain one another. Research keeps teaching intellectually alive, while teaching continually reminds research of its social purpose.

UNESCO has repeatedly argued in its Global Education Monitoring Reports that improving educational quality depends upon investing in teacher competence, professional development and institutional accountability. Similarly, successive reports of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), particularly through the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), consistently demonstrate that educational success is closely linked with teacher quality, evidence-based policymaking and sustained professional learning. The World Bank has likewise concluded across numerous education studies that teacher effectiveness remains among the strongest school-based determinants of student learning.

These conclusions are neither ideological nor speculative. They emerge from decades of comparative international evidence.

Pakistan need not imitate every foreign model, but it cannot afford to ignore global experience either. Nations that transformed themselves through education understood one lesson exceptionally well that institutions become stronger when academic standards become progressively higher rather than progressively easier.

Japan’s transformation after the Meiji Restoration did not begin with factories; it began with classrooms. South Korea emerged from the devastation of war by investing relentlessly in education and research. Singapore, lacking natural resources, chose to develop human capital with uncompromising seriousness. None of these countries regarded higher education as a routine administrative service. They regarded it as a strategic national investment.

Pakistan often speaks about becoming a knowledge economy while preserving systems that reward longevity more consistently than learning.

This contradiction cannot continue indefinitely.

Another uncomfortable question deserves honest discussion. Promotions in public service generally recognise administrative competence, but academic promotions should recognise intellectual leadership. The two are not always identical. An excellent administrator may not necessarily be an outstanding scholar, just as an accomplished researcher may require support in administration. The present structure frequently conflates the two without evaluating either adequately.

Academic leadership should mean far more than occupying a higher office. It should involve mentoring younger faculty, initiating research collaborations, improving curricula, supervising undergraduate scholarship, encouraging innovation and cultivating a culture where intellectual curiosity becomes institutional habit rather than individual exception.

Without such leadership, colleges risk becoming examination centres instead of centres of higher learning.

The consequences extend well beyond campuses. Every year thousands of graduates leave public colleges and enter classrooms, civil services, journalism, business, law, industry and public administration. The intellectual habits they acquire during undergraduate education accompany them throughout their professional lives. If their education encourages curiosity, they become innovators. If it rewards conformity alone, they become efficient administrators of inherited ideas rather than creators of new ones.

The Roman philosopher Seneca observed that while we are learning, we are also teaching. The converse is equally true. Teachers who cease learning gradually lose the capacity to teach in the fullest sense. Their lectures may continue, their attendance registers may remain complete and examinations may proceed as scheduled, but education quietly gives way to routine.

Routine has never built a civilisation. Scholarship has.

If academic qualifications and research define intellectual competence, they do not by themselves define suitability for academic leadership. Universities and colleges are not factories producing identical products; they are communities of learning shaped as much by the character of their teachers as by the content of their lectures. A professor may possess an impressive list of publications, yet still fail as a mentor if arrogance replaces humility, intolerance suppresses debate or personal prejudice enters the classroom. Higher education, therefore, demands not only scholarship but also emotional maturity and professional integrity.

This brings us to a reform that is likely to invite debate but deserves serious consideration.

Before appointment to the highest academic ranks—particularly Associate Professor and Professor—faculty members should undergo a comprehensive professional assessment that includes an independently administered psychological evaluation. Such a proposal should not be misunderstood as questioning the mental health of teachers or treating them differently from other public servants. Rather, it recognises the unique responsibility entrusted to those who influence thousands of young minds over the course of a career.

The purpose of such an assessment would not be to diagnose illness or stigmatise individuals. It would be to evaluate qualities directly relevant to academic leadership, emotional stability, ethical judgement, openness to new ideas, communication skills, conflict resolution, mentoring capacity, professional conduct and the ability to work collaboratively. These are qualities that determine whether a senior academic becomes a source of inspiration or a source of institutional stagnation.

Many professions already recognise that technical competence alone is insufficient. Judges are expected to display unimpeachable integrity. Military commanders are evaluated for leadership under pressure. Senior civil servants undergo rigorous performance assessments before assuming greater responsibility. Corporate executives are increasingly assessed for emotional intelligence alongside managerial ability. It is difficult to argue that those responsible for educating future generations should be exempt from comparable scrutiny.

A teacher does not merely complete a syllabus. Consciously or unconsciously, he or she shapes attitudes towards knowledge, authority, disagreement and citizenship. Students often remember a teacher’s temperament long after they have forgotten the details of a lecture. A professor who encourages questioning leaves behind confident graduates. One who rewards silence produces obedience rather than understanding.

The ancient Greeks narrated the story of Narcissus, who became so captivated by his own reflection that he lost sight of the world around him. Institutions can suffer from a similar affliction. When they become excessively absorbed in preserving existing hierarchies, they gradually lose the ability to examine themselves critically. Educational systems, like individuals, require the courage of self-reflection if they are to remain alive.

Pakistan’s college education system stands in need of precisely such introspection.

None of these reforms should be implemented punitively. Thousands of college teachers have served the country with distinction under rules they did not create. Many have taught in remote districts with limited facilities, inadequate libraries and heavy workloads. They deserve appreciation rather than condemnation. Reform should therefore be accompanied by opportunity.

Faculty already in service should be given realistic transition periods to upgrade their qualifications through fully funded MPhil and PhD programmes, research fellowships, study leave, online access to internationally indexed journals, writing workshops and collaborative research grants. Colleges should establish research centres linked with universities so that experienced teachers and young scholars can work together rather than in isolation. Government cannot reasonably expect world-class scholarship while providing only

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Honesty requires that each of us answer such questions in the solitude of his own heart, without the convenient shield of collective excuses or the comfortable habit of blaming those who came before. Enough, then, of evasion. The hour has come for every citizen, high or low, including the writer of these lines, to conduct a personal audit. Let each examine what he has taken and what he has returned. Let the institutions examine their fidelity to the purposes for which they were created. Let those who hold authority examine whether their decisions have served the enduring interests of the state or the fleeting interests of the moment. Only through such unsparing self-examination, followed by the hard work of reform, can the trust of the founders be renewed and the promise of Pakistan still be fulfilled for those who will inherit what we leave behind.

  • Imposed War and Imposed Peace Have Failed

    Today, the world faces unprecedented challenges, including the spread of unbridled unilateralism, the weakening of the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, the illegal recourse to force, the imposition of unilateral and indiscriminate sanctions, and the instrumental use of economic and financial mechanisms to exert political pressure. Members of the international system, particularly states as its primary actors, must defend multilateralism, respect for national sovereignty, sovereign equality of states, and the rule of law in international relations. Since June 2025, the nation of the Islamic Republic of Iran has experienced its bitterest days. The martyrdom of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution—as the highest political and religious authority of the Islamic Republic of Iran—the tragic attack on the Minab school resulting in the martyrdom of 168 school children, the testing of America’s latest lethal weapons and cluster missiles in the attack on the city of Lamerd in Fars Province and the indiscriminate assassination of its defenseless people, along with attacks on medical and healthcare facilities, educational environments, and universities, and the continuation of these crimes demonstrate that when a superpower turns rogue, international peace and security are put at risk. By imposing war, the U.S. government has driven several rounds of negotiations with Iran into a deadlock. The mediatory efforts of Pakistan to restore peace and tranquility to the region are commendable, and Iran has respected this vital role. It is crystal clear that wars are always initiated by one side, but ending them requires the presence and role of both warring parties. If the Americans, who imposed this war, desire to end it, they must respect the Pakistan Memorandum of Understanding and stop trying to impose peace on Iran through their own self-authored rules. However, it appears the United States seeks to dictate its demands upon Iran, whether through war or through peace. You cannot have your cake and eat it too. The Americans want everything at once and afford no standing to the opposing side. The blatant violation of the terms of the Pakistan MoU, continued attacks on transportation infrastructure, drinking water facilities, fishing boats, local commercial vessels, meteorological centers, and other civilian infrastructure are clear instances of violations of international law and international humanitarian law, as well as a stark example of the ongoing policy of resort to force and disregard for international obligations. The Islamic Republic of Iran underscores its firm resolve to defend its sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. The U.S. government is an untrustworthy and law-defying regime that does not adhere to international rules, regulations, and agreements. For this reason, many political analysts believe that U.S. conduct regarding West Asian regional issues poses a threat to the stability of the international community. What Trump has been asserting since last year regarding a U.S. victory and the defeat of Iranian military forces is merely a strategic mirage; continuing Trump’s self-destructive policies will pull America into a deep quagmire, demonstrating that they lack a proper understanding and perception of Iran’s history and its people. Direct U.S. intervention in the implementation of security and maritime arrangements in the Strait of Hormuz, alongside the re-imposition of a naval blockade, has once again endangered the security of one of the world’s most strategic waterways and disrupted the normal flow of international commercial shipping. The principled policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran has always been grounded in dialogue, diplomacy, good-neighborliness, and regional cooperation. We firmly believe that lasting peace will only be realized when aggression, occupation, threats, and double standards give way to mutual respect, the impartial execution of international law, and genuine commitment to international obligations. Although the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding was signed by the presidents of both Iran and the United States, neighboring and regional countries—especially the Arab states of the southern Persian Gulf, acting as “Middle Eastern allies” of the U.S. government—are required under Articles 1 and 2 of this agreement to cooperate toward an immediate and permanent end to the war and the establishment and maintenance of peace. These countries must not forget that their territories were used to commit aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and that such acts of aggression persist. Whether the territory of these nations was placed at the disposal of the United States, or the United States exploited their territory against Iran without their consent, makes no difference, as ultimately their facilities and capabilities were utilized against us. Consequently, these states form part of the war front against Iran, and they too must remain faithful to the Pakistan MoU. Brad Cooper, Commander of United States Central Command (CENTCOM), explicitly announced the involvement of several Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (PGCC) member states and Jordan in the United States’ military aggression against Iran. If this claim is merely a falsehood, these countries must officially and transparently refute it. The pervasive insecurity and raging fires across the region are the exclusive byproduct of continuous aggression against Iran, and regrettably, the territory of certain states serves these destabilizing actions. The Islamic Republic of Iran reserves its inherent right to self-defense to protect itself. We hope our neighboring countries reach a common understanding that the actions taken by Iran do not stem from hostility toward regional nations. We all believe that we are neighbors and will remain neighbors. Iran has repeatedly emphasized the logic of a “Strong Region,” believing that the entire region must become powerful—a region capable of resolving its own issues and challenges without relying on foreign forces, which are themselves the source of instability and insecurity. This region is a shared home; its security belongs to all its nations, and everyone must endeavor to create and maintain peace, security, and prosperity.

  • After Makkah: towards an Islamic NATO—or a new r…

    “Nato is a giant military alliance where there are 32 countries. We have started here as three countries and we have to take very humble but concrete steps”—Makkah defence pact technically same as Nato’s Article 5: Turkish minister, The News, August 9, 2026 The above words of Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan deserve careful attention. Speaking after the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement between Türkiye, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, he went considerably further than the diplomatic language normally accompanying defence cooperation. He described the arrangement as technically the same as NATO’s Article 5 principle of collective defence. More importantly, Fidan disclosed something about its intended institutional evolution. A ministerial committee resembling NATO’s structure is to be created, a permanent secretariat will be established in Saudi Arabia, and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan does not envisage an organisation permanently confined to its three founding members. Egypt is already being mentioned as a possible entrant. The question we raised immediately after Makkah has therefore acquired greater urgency: are we witnessing the embryonic formation of an Islamic NATO? The answer requires more caution than either celebration or alarm. The Makkah agreement is unquestionably important. Saudi Arabia combines enormous financial and energy resources with a pivotal position in the Arab and Islamic worlds. Türkiye possesses NATO’s second-largest military, an increasingly sophisticated defence-industrial base and strategic access linking Europe, the Black Sea, the Mediterranean and the Middle East. Pakistan is a nuclear-armed state located at the intersection of South Asia, China, Central Asia, Iran and the Arabian Sea. Taken together, the three constitute an unusual coalition of middle powers. Their convergence is also occurring at a moment when the regional order constructed around American predominance is under extraordinary strain. The latest Middle Eastern war has again demonstrated that overwhelming military capability can destroy infrastructure and degrade adversaries without necessarily producing political order. Michael Fuchs recently argued in Foreign Affairs that the United States should finally relinquish its attempt to dominate the Middle East militarily. The proposition is important, but it raises a larger question. If American primacy recedes, what replaces it? International relations offers no reason to assume that withdrawal by a dominant external power automatically produces regional peace. It can produce strategic autonomy. It can equally produce competitive balancing, arms races and struggles among regional powers seeking to fill the resulting space. Makkah Defence Agreement represents both an opportunity and a danger. The opportunity is the emergence of indigenous collective security. For much of the modern history of the Middle East, regional states have depended upon external powers for protection while simultaneously fearing abandonment by those same protectors. Britain once performed this role in the Gulf. The United States subsequently constructed a much larger military architecture based upon bases, arms supplies, bilateral guarantees and partnerships. Dependence created security, but never complete strategic autonomy. Saudi Arabia’s search for alternatives must be understood against this background. Türkiye has followed another path: remaining inside NATO while steadily expanding its capacity for independent action. Pakistan maintains a strategic partnership with China without severing its relationships with Washington, Riyadh or Ankara. These are not states simply changing camps. They are practising what contemporary scholarship increasingly describes as hybrid or non-exclusive alignment: cultivating overlapping relationships rather than accepting the rigid binaries of Cold War alliance politics. This makes Fidan’s second assertion as important as his comparison with Article 5. He insists that Makkah is not directed against Iran or any other country. That principle must survive implementation. An alliance requires deterrence; it does not necessarily require a permanent enemy. If the emerging arrangement becomes an anti-Iran coalition, it will institutionalise one of the Muslim world’s most dangerous fault lines. Iran is not a temporary presence in the Gulf. It is a major civilisation and regional power whose geography cannot be altered by sanctions, regime change strategies or military pressure. Pakistan has particular reason to understand this. Iran is its neighbour. Internal sectarian peace, Balochistan, border security, Afghanistan and regional connectivity all make a permanently hostile Pakistan-Iran relationship strategically irrational. Nor should Makkah become simply the Muslim military response to Israel. The Palestinian question cannot be removed from regional security, as proponents of the Abraham Accords sometimes appeared to assume. Normalisation and economic integration cannot indefinitely substitute for a political settlement guaranteeing Palestinian rights and viable statehood. At the same time, transforming the region into two permanent military camps would hardly produce the peace Palestinians themselves require. The better possibility is, thus, not an Islamic NATO in the literal sense. NATO emerged from the particular conditions of post-war Europe and bipolar confrontation with the Soviet Union. The Muslim world is geographically dispersed, politically heterogeneous and internally divided. Its states have very different relations with Washington, Beijing, Moscow, Tehran and Tel Aviv. Türkiye itself demonstrates the difficulty of imposing a binary model: it would simultaneously belong to NATO and to the emerging Makkah Accord. That apparent contradiction may actually tell us something important about the international order now taking shape. The twenty-first century may be characterised less by fixed blocs than by overlapping arrangements through which middle powers seek room for manoeuvre between larger powers. This is also where geoeconomics becomes indispensable. Saudi finance and energy, Türkiye’s manufacturing and defence technology and Pakistan’s geography, human resources and access towards China, Central Asia and the Arabian Sea could create something considerably more important than another military organisation. Egypt’s eventual participation would add the Suez Canal, the Arab world’s largest population and another major military power. A security structure built around such capabilities could eventually support trade, energy corridors, defence production, technological cooperation, food security and infrastructure connectivity. Without this economic foundation, an Islamic NATO would remain largely an exercise in military coordination. China will watch these developments closely. Beijing requires Gulf energy, values Iran, has deep interests in Pakistan and maintains substantial economic relations across the Middle East. It is unlikely to wish to inherit America’s expensive role as regional military hegemon. A regional arrangement capable of providing stability without forcing states into an

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