muslims attracted europe

Why are Muslims attracted to Europe?

For the Muslim world, and increasingly for Europe, recent developments have become both a matter of interest and concern. Reports indicate that around 60,000 young people from the Muslim-majority country of Morocco entered Spain. Those who have seen the videos circulating on social media can appreciate the scale of the event. Large groups of young people can be seen running toward the border, storming barriers, arriving in overcrowded boats, climbing over high fences, and breaking through metal barricades in an effort to reach Spanish territory.

According to reports, these migrants entered the Spanish enclave of Ceuta in North Africa. Their objective was neither invasion nor occupation but rather the pursuit of a better future and improved employment opportunities. Poverty and unemployment in their home country have driven them to seek a new life in Europe. Thousands crossed the sea and border fences together, hoping that their sheer numbers would overwhelm security forces and make it impossible to stop them. Reports also suggest that Spain’s border security had temporary weaknesses at the time. In addition, Spanish courts had recently issued relatively lenient rulings regarding migrants, including granting legal status to nearly 500,000 people who had previously entered the country illegally.

The U.S. State Department criticized Spain over what it viewed as policies that encouraged illegal migration. Although Spanish border security forces made considerable efforts to stop the influx, media reports stated that approximately 57 people lost their lives during the crossings. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez made an emergency visit to Ceuta to oversee the government’s response. Authorities reportedly succeeded in returning about 37,000 of the 60,000 migrants to Morocco, but locating and dealing with the remaining 23,000 became a significant issue, raising concerns across Europe. France, Italy, Germany, and other European countries urged Spain to strengthen its border controls. The United States also reacted strongly, drawing comparisons with its own migration challenges at the Mexican border. President Donald Trump cited the incident as proof that constructing a border wall had been the right decision, arguing that without it the United States might have faced a similar situation.

Europe’s concern is understandable because of the European Union’s system of open internal borders. Once migrants enter one EU country, they may be able to move onward to others with relatively few obstacles. Spain has long been regarded as one of Europe’s more immigration-friendly countries. I once asked a diplomat friend which European country was the easiest for obtaining a visa, and without hesitation he replied, “Spain.”

Morocco is a friendly Muslim nation led by King Mohammed VI, who is widely respected and holds considerable influence. It also has an elected government headed by Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch. This raises an important question: why have Muslim countries not become prosperous and developed enough to attract people from non-Muslim nations rather than losing their own citizens?

The same question applies to Pakistan. Our country was created after immense sacrifices, with the vision of establishing a model Islamic state. Millions were displaced and countless lives were lost during Partition in 1947. At that time, Muslims migrated to Pakistan with great enthusiasm and hope. Today, however, many Pakistanis display the same determination to leave the country and settle in Europe. In pursuing this dream, many become victims of human traffickers, while others lose their lives attempting dangerous sea crossings. When the bodies of these young people are returned to their families, it causes unimaginable grief, yet the desire to seek a better future abroad remains as strong as ever.

This leads to another important question: why have we failed to make our own countries places of prosperity, freedom, human dignity, and compassion—qualities that many people associate with Western societies today? Why are we unable to provide our citizens with the same respect for human rights and personal freedoms?

Religious leaders often criticize the West, condemning its culture and values. They describe Western civilization as morally corrupt and frequently quote verses predicting its eventual decline:

“Your civilization will destroy itself with its own dagger.”

“A nest built upon a fragile branch cannot endure.”

Ironically, many Western societies today fear what they describe as an “Islamic influx.” They argue that some migrants misuse religious freedom, demand the implementation of Islamic law, campaign over issues such as the hijab, and challenge local cultural norms. Some also claim that immigration has contributed to increases in crimes such as child abuse and other offenses. Whether these concerns are justified or exaggerated remains a matter of public debate, but it is undeniable that immigration has become a politically sensitive issue across Europe. Public pressure is mounting on European governments to tighten immigration policies.

Western intellectuals also pose a difficult question: if Muslims believe they possess the final divine revelation, a complete way of life, and a preserved holy scripture, why have they not transformed their own societies into places where their young people would choose to remain instead of risking everything to migrate to Europe?

Traditional Islamic teachings have long distinguished between the Dar al-Islam (the abode of Islam or peace) and lands outside Islamic rule, historically described in classical jurisprudence by terms such as Dar al-Harb (the abode of war). Classical legal literature contains extensive discussions on these concepts and, in certain historical contexts, encouraged Muslims to migrate to Muslim lands whenever possible. Yet many young Muslims today seem unfamiliar with these classical debates, and many contemporary religious scholars appear reluctant to discuss them in detail, perhaps because the realities of the modern world differ significantly from the historical circumstances in which those rulings were developed.

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World bank open data says. Taiwan and South Korea followed another path, export-oriented industrialisation, investment in education and technology, strong state capacity and, eventually, increasingly democratic institutions. These countries did not become successful because their people were inherently more capable than Pakistanis. They created systems that allowed capability to produce results. So what happened to Pakistan? The first failure was institutional continuity. Pakistan spent much of its history moving between civilian governments, military rule, political confrontation and constitutional crises. Instead of allowing institutions to mature, every political transition often became a struggle over who controlled the state. The second failure was the weak rule of law. A country cannot become prosperous when laws are applied selectively, institutions are politicised and citizens do not have equal confidence in justice. Democracy is not merely the holding of elections, it requires constitutional supremacy, independent institutions, accountable government and protection of fundamental rights. The third failure was education and human capital. Pakistan has a huge young population, yet education has too often remained underfunded, unequal and disconnected from the needs of a modern economy. Countries that transformed themselves invested heavily in the quality of their people. Pakistan has frequently treated education as expenditure rather than as the country’s most important investment. The fourth failure was economic inconsistency. Pakistan repeatedly moved between economic models without developing a stable, long-term national strategy. Political governments changed priorities, economic crises produced short-term fixes, dependence on external financing repeatedly returned. Meanwhile, countries such as Bangladesh built globally competitive export sectors, particularly garments, while East Asian economies moved aggressively into manufacturing, technology and high-value exports. The fifth failure was population planning and social development. Pakistan’s population has grown enormously, while economic growth has not consistently kept pace with the needs of its people. The World Bank’s latest figures show Pakistan with a life expectancy of around 68 years, compared with 75 years in Bangladesh and 83 years in Singapore. The sixth failure has been our inability to build a culture of accountability without political revenge. Accountability is essential, but when it becomes a weapon used selectively against political opponents, it destroys trust rather than strengthening the state. The seventh and perhaps deepest failure is that Pakistan repeatedly confused national security with national development. Security is essential, but a nation’s ultimate security comes from educated citizens, a productive economy, social cohesion, constitutional government and opportunities for its young people. Pakistan’s people, however, did not fail Pakistan. Pakistanis have demonstrated remarkable resilience. They built businesses, universities, industries, hospitals, technology companies and a vast overseas community. Millions of Pakistanis work abroad and send billions of dollars home. In 2024, remittances were equivalent to about 9.4% of Pakistan’s GDP, according to the World Bank. The real tragedy is that the capacity of the Pakistani people has repeatedly been greater than the capacity of the systems governing them. Independence was supposed to mean more than freedom from colonial rule. It was supposed to mean dignity, justice, representation and opportunity. After 79 years, Pakistan therefore needs a different question. Not who is responsible for our problems? but what kind of state do we want to become? The answer cannot be another political slogan or another temporary economic package or presidential system of government . Pakistan needs constitutional supremacy, civilian and institutional stability, independent justice, free media, serious investment in education and health, economic continuity, women’s participation in the workforce, export-led growth, technological development and genuine local governance. The comparison with Bangladesh, Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea should not produce humiliation. It should produce reflection. We began with a dream. The unfinished task of Pakistan’s next generation is to turn that dream into functioning institutions, human development and dignity for every citizen. Seventy-nine years after independence, perhaps the most patriotic thing Pakistanis can do is not merely celebrate the birth of the country, but honestly ask why the promise of 1947 has still not reached every Pakistani.

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