nation focus social

A Nation in Focus: The Social Contract and the Mak…

(When the water rises, who shows up and who is left waiting?)

‎I live in Sabzazar, a neighborhood in Lahore, Pakistan, but part of my heart is always sitting along the banks of the Moxahala Creek back home in Southeast Ohio. When the water rises in Muskingum County or the Punjab plains, who shows up, and who is left waiting? I live in Sabzazar, a neighborhood in Lahore, Pakistan, but part of my heart is always sitting along the banks of the Moxahala Creek back home in Southeast Ohio.
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‎My mother and brother still live right near South Zanesville, just a stone’s throw from Crooksville. When heavy rains hit Perry and Muskingum counties, I don’t need to be there to know what it looks like. I can picture the heavy, chocolate-brown water backing up into the low spots, the damp chill that settles into a basement, the fears of what if the waters reach a house trailer, and that specific, exhausting smell of river mud that takes weeks to scrub out of porch boards and carpet. The worries of if the home has structural damage.. Halfway across the world in Pakistan, the landscape couldn’t look more different. But when monsoon season swells the rivers across the Punjab, the view from the ground is hauntingly identical.
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‎Standing in a flooded doorway feels the same whether you are in Ohio or Lahore. The quiet shock is the same. The ruin of things you worked years to buy is the same. And the very first instinct is to grab your coat, shovel, a chainsaw and a pair of boots and go check on the elderly woman next door.. Start hauling wet furniture, debris to the curb and giving comfort, food and basics to those in need is entirely universal. Watching both worlds at once makes you look at governance differently. It strips away abstract political jargon and leaves you asking one fundamental question: When a community is hit with a crisis, does its system build capable people who can act, or does it leave them sitting on their hands, waiting for permission to survive?
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‎What a Small Ohio Village Taught Me About Governance
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‎Growing up around South Zanesville and Crooksville, you learn pretty early that small-town life relies on a very specific kind of quiet, distributed agency.
‎Crooksville isn’t a rich town. It’s a hard-working Appalachian village of under 1,500 people. But when the creek overflows, nobody sits around waiting for a press conference out of Washington, D.C., or a mandate from the state capital in Columbus.
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‎The response moves in waves because the connections are already wired:
‎On the local levels we see neighbor checks on neighbor. The volunteer fire department turns on the sirens, pulls out the high-water gear, and starts the door to door knocks. At the County level we have the Perry County 911 dispatch and Emergency Management Agency (EMA) start tracking water levels and routing equipment where it’s needed most. At the State level, If the county gets overwhelmed, pre set legal triggers immediately call in the Ohio EMA or the National Guard.
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‎Government here doesn’t replace the community’s instinct to help itself; it validates it, organizes it, and backs it up with real resources. The system trusts the people on the ground to know their own roads. Here in Pakistan, the human spirit is just as generous, if not more so. The impulse toward hospitality, neighborly charity, and mutual support runs incredibly deep. When disaster strikes, ordinary citizens open their wallets and their homes without a second thought. It’s just what they do…
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‎And Pakistan’s has one of the world’s top class military engineering, a massive national disaster agency (the NDMA), and incredible private charities. The raw capacity is immense. Yet, too often, there is a however a very heartbreaking disconnect between that high-level power and the family standing in ankle deep water in a local neighborhood. An ordinary citizen here once described the country to me using a metaphor I’ve never forgotten: a child that was never allowed to stand on its own feet. An infant isn’t helpless because it lacks potential. It’s helpless because it hasn’t been given the space to build muscle, fall over, adjust its balance, and try again. If an authority figure picks the child up every single time it tries to pull itself up, the child never learns to walk—not from a lack of ability, but because the environment denied it the chance to build strength.
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‎That is how systemic learned dependency takes root: Central authorities assume total control, bypassing local municipal councils. Neighborhoods are given no real budget or authority to fix their own drainage or organize local response teams. And when a flood comes, citizens have no choice but to wait for distant, top-down relief. The authorities look at the waiting crowd and say, “See? The people can’t manage without us.”
‎We witness power centralized even further, deepening the exact helplessness it claims to fix. Over generations, people adapt to the system they are given. If a system rewards waiting for a political patron, people learn to wait for patrons. If it rewards local initiative, communities build habits of self-reliance. It is very easy to blame culture or public apathy for civic passivity, but that misses the point entirely. Culture simply reflects the structural incentives people are given to survive and adapt. It is nature vs nurture and we have a break down when these two things fail to promote a cohesiveness and inclusion of what is a community and what that actually means.
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‎Across the globe, the relationship between state control and citizen participation varies wildly, proving that central authority does not have to mean public powerlessness. In China, a deeply centralized state framework actively structures and expects local neighborhood committees and civil volunteer groups to manage community-level crises. Across much of Europe, comprehensive state safety nets exist alongside highly empowered municipal councils and professionalized local volunteer forces. The size or scope of the government is not the primary variable that dictates civic vitality. The true variable is human agency, whether a state treats its people as passive victims waiting for a top-down handout, or as active, capable partners entrusted to keep their own communities safe.
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‎When the water actually rises, theoretical politics wash away, leaving behind a stark operational audit of how a society functions under stress. In a passive dependency model, the moment of crisis finds isolated families waiting in the dark for centralized military rescue or private charity to arrive, while a distributed capability model sees volunteer crews and trained neighbor networks executing pre-planned evacuations immediately. Where the passive model relies on distant political leaders or high-level commanders directing operations from afar, a distributed system empowers local emergency managers to coordinate real-time responses through established dispatch channels. Relief in a centralized framework tends to be reactive and tied to political patronage or media coverage, whereas a capable local system escalates resources systematically based on pre-mapped risk protocols. Finally, after the water clears, a dependent society is left waiting for the next round of emergency relief while broken culverts sit uncleaned, while a system built on local agency enables municipal councils to audit what failed, update zoning, and clear out drainage infrastructure before the next rain falls.
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‎Be it rural or in a city, the habits we build at the neighborhood level scale all the way up to how we run a country.
‎When a person grows up helping run a volunteer fire department budget, clearing local storm drains, or holding a county commissioner accountable at a public meeting, they view the state as a tool that serves the public.When a person grows up where local councils are stripped of power, they learn that government is just something powerful people use to hand out favors to their friends.Rebuilding a social contract doesn’t start with writing a fancy new constitution at the top or changing the faces in high office. It starts by giving people back the authority, resources, and trust to fix the road in front of their own houses. Every country on earth faces floods, economic hardship, and unexpected disasters. Failure is part of the human condition. The ultimate metric of a healthy state isn’t whether it avoids trouble, it’s whether it has correctability or not.
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‎We really need to take introspect and ask, does the system learn? Does it trust its citizens to act? Does it push power down to the streets where the actual problems live? Or does it protect its own centralized control until the cracks turn into total collapse?
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Whether you are looking at the Moxahala Creek and the hills of southeastern Ohio, the hills and valleys of Pakistan’s northern frontiers, or the crowded streets and plains of its cities, a healthy state is never one that does everything for its people. It is one that gives its people the power to act, knows when to step in with greater capabilities when they cannot, and, most importantly, fosters the tools and the space they need to stand firmly on their own two feet‎.

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Inefficiencies of power distribution companies caused losses of Rs. 262 billion, only Rs. 3 billion less than in the preceding year. Lower recovery of electricity bills added Rs. 64 billion. Interest charges contributed another Rs. 14 billion, while delays in tariff adjustments added Rs. 75 billion. A further Rs. 194 billion arose from non-payment by K-Electric, reportedly connected with the delay in determining its multi-year tariff. This cannot be classified as an unavoidable commercial loss. It represents a failure of regulation, contract administration and timely governmental decision-making. When tariff determinations, subsidy decisions or payment settlements are delayed, the resulting liability does not disappear. It moves through the electricity chain until it is recorded as circular debt and passed to taxpayers or consumers. The reported components and adjustments must be examined carefully when the complete official statement is released. The latest report available on ministry’s website is of April 2026. The Power Division has not placed even its one-page circular-debt reports from May to July 2026 on its website. Public discussion is consequently being conducted based on figures reported in the press. The government cannot demand acceptance of its success narrative while withholding the underlying data required testing it. The Rs. 302 billion subsidy used to contain the closing stock was nearly half of the approximately Rs. 630 billion collected in income tax from salaried persons during the same year. This comparison shows the real social cost of power-sector failure. Citizens who have no role in managing distribution companies, finalising tariffs or settling inter-company disputes are required to finance the consequences through taxation. They also pay through electricity tariffs, surcharges, fuel-price adjustments and declining service quality. Honest consumers are charged for theft, poor recoveries, technical losses and delayed official decisions. As tariffs rise, more households and businesses with adequate resources shift to rooftop solar systems. The grid is left with a shrinking base of paying consumers and a large stock of fixed capacity costs. Tariffs must then be raised further to recover those costs from fewer units sold. The policy response itself deepens the financial problem. For more than a decade, governments and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have relied heavily on tariff increases, periodic adjustments, withdrawal of subsidies and additional surcharges. These measures may narrow the accounting gap temporarily, but they do not establish commercial discipline within distribution companies or personal accountability for persistent losses. The IMF reportedly allowed up to Rs. 400 billion to be added to the circular-debt flow during FY 2025–26, while requiring the government to neutralise the addition through budgetary subsidies. This approach turns circular debt into an exercise in fiscal presentation. A liability generated inside the electricity system is paid from the federal budget and then described as contained. The loss has not been eliminated. Its location has changed. The same problem arises with the Rs. 1.225 trillion circular-debt settlement plan. Refinancing expensive liabilities at more favourable rates can reduce financing costs and provide immediate liquidity. It does not constitute retirement of debt in any economic sense when the replacement financing has to be repaid over six years through charges imposed on electricity consumers. Pakistan will be servicing yesterday’s circular debt while the unreformed system continues creating fresh liabilities. Financial engineering is being presented as reform because it postpones recognition of the full fiscal burden. Liquidity becomes a substitute for correcting the institutions responsible for the crisis. The proposed privatisation of the distribution companies also requires closer scrutiny. The government has started with Faisalabad, Gujranwala and Islamabad electricity supply companies, which are among the relatively better-performing entities. Selling profitable or manageable companies while retaining those responsible for the largest losses will not remove the structural deficit. It may deprive the public sector of its stronger revenue-generating assets while leaving taxpayers responsible for the weakest companies. Privatisation can improve performance where there is transparent valuation, effective regulation and genuine transfer of commercial risk. It cannot succeed if private investors acquire the sound operations while the state remains responsible for accumulated liabilities, political interference, theft-prone areas and unrecoverable receivables. That would amount to privatisation of gains and socialisation of losses. A credible reform programme must begin with full disclosure. Monthly circular-debt reports should identify, company by company, transmission and distribution losses, recovery ratios, unpaid

  • Buying time not future

    Nations, organizations, and individuals who rely on borrowed time never prosper. Vision of the future is paramount to growth. Stagnation leads to disaster. In a world driven by technology, only change is permanent. As a nation, we started off well. The founding fathers burnt the midnight oil not only to sustain but also to prosper. Early in the decade of the fifties, the entire development framework was put in place. For industrialization, PIDC (Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation); for water and power, WAPDA (Water & Power Development Authority); PAEC (Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission) headed by Dr I.H. Usmani; PCSIR (Pakistan Council of Science & Industrial Research) under Dr Salim-Uz-Zaman Siddiqui; PSI (Pakistan Standards Institution), now PSQCA (Pakistan Standards and Quality Control Authority); PIAC (Pakistan International Airlines Corporation). The father of the nation, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, himself inaugurated the State Bank of Pakistan in 1948. The discovery of natural gas at Sui in 1952 was a gift of nature. At 12 TCF, it was considered one of the largest deposits of its time, sufficient to meet the needs of the nation for a century. Future requires investment, both short and long term. It was Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s vision to bring the Muslim population of the Sub-continent into the mainstream. Starting with schools, he moved on to colleges and finally the Aligarh University, which not only led the movement for the creation of Pakistan but also provided the manpower to sustain it. In the formative years of the republic, education was taken seriously both by the teachers and the taught. In my entire academic journey, I never once missed a class, even during my term as President of the departmental student union. The first-born free generation was being prepared to lead, not follow. Instead of buying time, the future was being built. In the 1973 constitution, literacy was declared a fundamental right. Under Article 25-A, every Pakistani had to be literate by the year 1985, but the target was not only missed, the entire effort was sidelined. The government of Muhammad Khan Junejo tried to narrow the gap by introducing the Nai Roshni program, which was shut down after his government fell. For meaningful nation building, education, employment and health are critical. The recent student uprising in India focused on professional education followed by employment. They demanded transparency and merit, which were being compromised. Modi’s shining India meant very little for them. Other countries have experienced similar protests (Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Indonesia). Pakistan needs a lot of catching up to do. It is back to the basics of nation building. Universal Primary Coverage is the starting point. Every five-year-old child should be in school this year. This will reverse the trend of the swelling out-of-school youth population. Once primary coverage is ensured, the next target should be to cover those who missed out. The country is blessed with a bulging youth population, which must be made productive. Despite all the challenges of governance, the informal sector continues to perform well by providing the needed goods and services. Confidence in the formal sector is needed for a meaningful and cohesive march forward. In the decade of the fifties, Pakistan was poised to emerge as the first Asian Tiger; now it seriously lags behind while other nations have grown, which includes China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia — the list goes on. Rightly said, this is the Asian Century. It is time to look inwards. The future belongs to educated and healthy nations who do not settle for short-term gains but instead focus on the future. Pakistan should not be a burial ground for those who build fortunes abroad. The homeland must come first. The best cannot be left for last.

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