AI Cannot Replace Expertise

Scientists claim to have discovered a fascinating cosmic mystery. According to them, it is a “black hole star” about the size of our solar system and glowing with extremely bright red light. An international team of researchers made the discovery using images captured by NASA’s James Webb Space Telescope (JWST) which revealed the mysterious red glow. The black hole star is located in the constellation Cetus, billions of light-years away from Earth. Scientists believe it may have formed around 660 million years after the Big Bang. It appears similar to a massive star but is estimated to release 100 billion times more energy than an ordinary star. Such enormous energy output has previously been associated with black holes rather than stars. Scientist Rohan Naidu of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) who was part of the research team said that they had discovered an entirely new type of cosmic phenomenon. He explained that the object is shining with an amount of energy normally associated with black holes while at the same time displaying characteristics typically linked to stars. First observed by James Webb Space Telescope Scientists have been using the James Webb Space Telescope to study distant galaxies in the universe. Their interest in this phenomenon increased after the discovery of the galaxy Maisie’s Galaxy (CEERS 1) and other early-universe objects. In a study published in the journal Nature, researchers named the red-light phenomenon MAM-BH1. They said its completely red appearance and disappearance at specific wavelengths are so dramatic that it cannot easily be compared with other known cosmic objects. Computer simulations suggested that rather than being an extremely massive star, the object is actually a black hole that shines like a star. If the scientists’ interpretation is confirmed, it could indicate that many of the mysterious red dots observed across the universe may also be black hole stars. Rohan Naidu believes that these types of black hole stars could play an important role in the evolution of galaxies.

“How Social Stigma, Institutional Challenges, and Delayed Justice Continue to Discourage Women from Reporting Violence in Pakistan” For many women in Pakistan, reporting violence is not simply the first step towards justice, it is often the beginning of another struggle. While laws have evolved to provide greater protection against domestic violence, sexual assault, workplace harassment, acid attacks, and other forms of gender-based violence, countless women continue to hesitate before approaching the police or the courts. Their reluctance is not always born out of ignorance of the law; rather, it stems from fear of social stigma, institutional barriers, prolonged legal proceedings, and uncertainty about whether justice will ever be delivered. This reality raises an important question: if legal safeguards exist, why do so many women still fear reporting violence? The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan provides a strong foundation for the protection of women’s rights. Article 9 guarantees the right to life and liberty, Article 14 safeguards the dignity of every individual, Article 25 ensures equality before the law and prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex, while Article 34 directs the State to ensure the full participation of women in all spheres of national life. These constitutional guarantees are reinforced by various legislative measures, including the Anti-Rape (Investigation and Trial) Act, 2021, the Protection Against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act, the Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention laws, and provincial domestic violence legislation. Together, these laws demonstrate that Pakistan has made significant progress in recognizing and protecting women’s rights. However, legislation alone cannot guarantee justice. The effectiveness of any legal framework depends upon its implementation. For many survivors, the greatest obstacle is not the absence of legal remedies but the fear of navigating the justice system itself. Reporting violence often means facing uncomfortable questions, social judgment, pressure from family members, financial hardship, and emotional trauma. In many cases, victims worry that their complaints will not be taken seriously or that the legal process will take years to reach a conclusion. Such concerns discourage many women from seeking legal protection altogether. The problem is further aggravated by the slow pace of criminal proceedings. Delayed investigations, repeated adjournments, and prolonged trials can force survivors to relive traumatic experiences for years. Justice delayed not only prolongs suffering but also weakens public confidence in the legal system. When victims believe that reporting a crime will expose them to further hardship without a timely or meaningful remedy, silence often appears to be the safer option. In this sense, delayed justice becomes a denial of safety, discouraging others from coming forward and allowing perpetrators to act with greater confidence. Several high-profile incidents have highlighted both the urgency of reform and the limitations of existing mechanisms. The Motorway rape case in 2020 sparked nationwide outrage and prompted important legislative reforms, including the enactment of the Anti-Rape (Investigation and Trial) Act, 2021. While these reforms strengthened the legal framework, they also reminded the nation that effective implementation, victim-sensitive investigations, and timely prosecution remain equally essential. Similarly, acid attacks and cases of so-called honour based violence have continued to expose the gap between legal protections and the realities faced by many women, particularly in rural and underserved communities. Legal reforms must therefore be accompanied by institutional reform. Police officers, prosecutors, judges, and medico-legal professionals require continuous training to handle cases involving gender-based violence with professionalism, sensitivity, and respect for victims’ dignity. Fast-track procedures for serious offences against women should be implemented effectively to reduce unnecessary delays. Victim and witness protection mechanisms must be strengthened so that survivors feel safe throughout the judicial process. Equally important is ensuring that legal aid and psychological support are readily available to those who seek justice. Beyond the courtroom, society itself has a crucial role to play. Victim-blaming, social stigma, and cultural stereotypes remain among the greatest barriers preventing women from reporting violence. Questions such as “Why did she report it now?” or “What was she doing there?” unfairly shift attention away from the offender and onto the survivor. Such attitudes discourage reporting and perpetuate a culture of silence. A justice system can function effectively only when society supports victims rather than subjects them to suspicion and criticism. Protecting women’s rights is not solely a legal obligation; it is a constitutional, moral, and social responsibility. Laws are meaningful only when they inspire confidence in those, they are designed to protect. A woman should never have to choose between her safety and the fear of navigating the justice system. She should have confidence that her complaint will be heard fairly, investigated promptly, and decided without unnecessary delay. Pakistan has undoubtedly taken important legislative steps to combat violence against women. The challenge now lies in translating those legal guarantees into practical realities. Stronger enforcement, efficient investigations, timely trials, greater institutional accountability, and increased public awareness are essential to restoring confidence in the justice system. Justice cannot be measured merely by the number of laws enacted; it must be measured by the willingness of victims to seek its protection without fear. A society where women hesitate to report violence is a society where justice remains incomplete. The true success of any legal system is not reflected in the statutes it enacts but in the trust it inspires. Until every woman feels secure enough to report violence without fear of stigma, intimidation, or delay, the promise of equal justice will remain only partially fulfilled. Justice delayed is not merely justice denied it is safety denied. A legal system earns public confidence not when it promises protection, but when it delivers it.

By Tahseen Ullah  For decades, labour migration in Pakistan has largely been viewed as a response to unemployment and poverty. While this perspective has served its purpose, it no longer reflects the realities of today’s global economy. In the twenty-first century, labour mobility has become far more than an economic necessity—it is a strategic investment in human capital, national competitiveness and economic diplomacy. Countries that can produce skilled, certified and globally competitive workers will hold a distinct advantage in an increasingly interconnected labour market. As ageing populations, declining fertility rates and persistent labour shortages reshape developed economies, demand for skilled workers is rising across Europe, East Asia and other advanced markets. Pakistan, with one of the world’s youngest populations, is well positioned to seize this opportunity. The real challenge is not whether Pakistan has enough young people willing to work abroad, but whether it can equip them with internationally recognised skills, qualifications, language proficiency and professional competencies that meet evolving global labour market demands. Pakistan’s labour migration journey began with the establishment of the Bureau of Emigration and Overseas Employment in 1971, following the Gulf oil boom. Since then, more than 15 million Pakistanis have migrated through regular channels, contributing significantly to infrastructure, healthcare, construction, transport and service sectors worldwide while improving the livelihoods of millions of families back home. Today, overseas employment remains one of Pakistan’s most important economic assets. According to BEOE, 862,625 Pakistanis migrated for employment in 2023, followed by 725,672 in 2024 and 762,499 in 2025, with early trends indicating sustained international demand in 2026. Meanwhile, the Pakistan Migration Report 2025 and the State Bank of Pakistan estimate workers’ remittances at approximately US$38.3 billion in FY2024–25, representing nearly 9.34 percent of GDP. These remittances strengthen foreign exchange reserves, reduce poverty and support macroeconomic stability. Yet labour migration has rarely been treated as a strategic pillar of Pakistan’s long-term economic planning. The global labour market is undergoing profound change. According to the World Economic Forum’s Future of Jobs Report 2025, demographic shifts, technological advances and the green transition will create millions of new employment opportunities over the coming decade. Healthcare professionals, engineers, IT specialists, skilled technicians, renewable energy workers, construction professionals and caregivers are expected to remain in particularly high demand. Pakistan possesses a valuable demographic dividend, with nearly two-thirds of its population under the age of 30. However, this advantage will only translate into economic gains through sustained investment in education, Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET), international certification, digital skills and language training. The challenge is clear. The Pakistan Migration Report 2025 shows that nearly two-thirds of Pakistani migrant workers remain low-skilled or unskilled. While their contribution is invaluable, low-skilled employment often results in lower wages, limited career progression and greater vulnerability to labour market shocks. In contrast, highly skilled migrants generally access better jobs, stronger labour protections and significantly higher earnings. Pakistan must therefore move beyond a traditional labour export model towards a human capital export strategy. Success should no longer be measured simply by the number of workers leaving the country, but by the quality, productivity and global competitiveness of its workforce. Achieving this transformation requires comprehensive reforms. TVET institutions must align training with international occupational standards and labour market needs. Language education in German, Japanese, Korean and Italian, alongside digital literacy, workplace ethics and intercultural communication, should become integral components of workforce development. Market diversification is equally important. While Gulf Cooperation Council countries will remain Pakistan’s primary labour destinations, excessive dependence on one region exposes the country to geopolitical uncertainty and labour market fluctuations. Pakistan should actively expand regular labour mobility partnerships with Europe, Japan, South Korea, Australia and Canada, where structural labour shortages continue to grow. Government-to-government labour mobility agreements should become a strategic priority. Such partnerships can enhance transparency, reduce recruitment costs, improve worker protection and strengthen employer confidence in Pakistani talent. Simultaneously, Pakistan should pursue mutual recognition of qualifications and internationally accepted skills certification to facilitate smoother labour market integration. Institutional coordination will also be essential. The Ministry of Overseas Pakistanis and Human Resource Development, together with the NAVTTC, provincial TEVTAs, Overseas Employment Promoters, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Pakistan’s overseas missions, should implement an integrated national labour mobility framework supported by labour market intelligence, digital recruitment platforms and evidence-based policymaking. Pakistan can draw valuable lessons from the Philippines, whose migration governance combines ethical recruitment, mandatory pre-departure orientation, comprehensive worker welfare and strong overseas support systems. Adapting these practices would strengthen Pakistan’s reputation as a reliable source of skilled and protected migrant workers. At the same time, addressing irregular migration must remain a national priority. Preventing dangerous migration routes requires expanding legal migration opportunities, strengthening career counselling, improving public awareness, dismantling human smuggling networks and ensuring aspiring migrants have access to reliable information and affordable recruitment services. Labour migration should no longer be viewed solely as a means of reducing unemployment or increasing remittances. It should be recognised as a cornerstone of Pakistan’s economic diplomacy, human capital development and long-term growth strategy. The countries that will lead the future of global labour mobility will not necessarily be those with the largest populations, but those that invest in producing highly skilled, internationally certified and globally competitive talent. Pakistan has already demonstrated its ability to contribute to the global workforce. The next step is to move beyond exporting labour to exporting talent. By investing in skills, strengthening institutions, diversifying labour markets and promoting ethical, well-governed migration, Pakistan can transform its demographic dividend into one of its greatest strategic advantages. The world is searching for talent. Pakistan has the youth. What it now needs is the vision to turn that potential into global human capital leadership. Tahseen Ullah is a development and migration sector practitioner specializing in labour mobility, migration governance, education and child protection. He can be reached at tahseenanthro@gmail.com

By Ali Hiader Pakistan has gradually become a testing ground for government projects. Governments experiment with massive infrastructure projects costing billions, and when the results fall short of expectations, another project of the exact same nature is launched. The tragedy is that while other countries may well be learning from Pakistan’s experiments, we have completely failed to learn from them. Punjab’s public transport system serves as a clear example of this. Currently, there are three major metro bus projects operating in Lahore, Rawalpindi, and Multan, while two additional projects are under construction in Faisalabad and Gujranwala. The total length of the existing metro bus routes is approximately 70 kilometers, served by around 167 buses. In Lahore, a city with a population of nearly 20 million, only 66 buses operate along a 27-kilometer route; this indicates that a substantial amount of public funds have been allocated to cover only a limited area. It is also essential to consider the cost of these projects. Approximately 30 billion rupees were spent on the Lahore Metro Bus project, around 38 billion rupees on the Rawalpindi Metro Bus, and about 29 billion rupees on the Multan Metro Bus; thus, the total cost … is approximately 97 billion rupees. However, the matter does not end there. Subsequently, Lahore was gifted another major transport project—the Orange Line Metro Train—with a total cost of approximately 300 billion rupees. The issue is not that governments are making a mistake by investing in public transport; public transport is indispensable in expanding cities and can play a vital role in improving the mobility of ordinary citizens. The real question is whether a developing country like Pakistan can afford a transport system that requires the government to provide massive annual subsidies for its operation. According to reported figures, Punjab’s three Metro Bus projects collectively require an annual subsidy of approximately Rs 21 billion, while the Orange Line Metro Train also requires annual government financial support. This means that, even years after the initial construction costs were paid, taxpayers continue to bear the expenses of these projects. Meanwhile, passengers still face issues such as overcrowding, long wait times, and limited service capacity. The Punjab government’s new green electric bus project merits attention from a different reason. Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz’s administration has proposed a plan to deploy 5,000 electric buses across Punjab over five years at an estimated total cost of PKR 300 billion. While this cost is relatively lower than that of Lahore’s existing Metro Bus and Orange Line Train systems, the project offers the added advantage of not requiring heavy infrastructure—such as dedicated metro corridors or rail networks; existing roads and bus stops suffice, and operations are far more flexible than current public transport systems. A driver and a conductor are all that is needed to operate a bus. Most importantly, electric buses can provide public transport services to a vast population with relatively low infrastructure costs. In principle, this model is particularly well-suited to a province where millions of citizens still lack access to reliable public transport.However, Punjab has previously experimented with conventional bus-based public transport; projects like the Speedo service and BUSCO were launched in Lahore and its surrounding areas with similar objectives. The BUSCO project, in particular, ultimately became a prime example of how a public welfare system can shut down when governments fail to plan for the long-term management of public assets. Today, these buses lie in a state of ruin, whereas they could have been properly sold, relocated, or repurposed. This is precisely why the Green Bus project requires a different financial model. For developing countries like Pakistan, it is extremely difficult to sustain public amenities that rely on perpetual subsidies. Whenever the government faces a financial crisis or a shortage of funds, these buses will eventually end up as nothing more than wrecks. A transport system that cannot survive without billions of rupees in annual government aid is, at its core, a weak system. To ensure that the project runs effectively, it is essential to operate it on a “no-profit, no-loss” basis so that it remains sustainable for years to come. Fares should be structured so that, following the initial government investment, the system can at least cover its own operating, repair, and maintenance costs, as well as the expense of future bus replacements. While it is acceptable for the government not to make a profit, it must avoid creating a system that requires billions of rupees in annual subsidies merely to remain operational.At the same time, the number of buses must be sufficient for public transport to truly serve as an alternative to private vehicles. Currently, passengers face severe overcrowding, long waits, and uncomfortable journeys. If traveling by government bus means enduring extreme overcrowding, public transport cannot persuade people to leave their motorcycles and cars at home.Kasur serves as a prime example of this situation. The Kasur district, with a population of approximately 3.8 million, has received only 12 ‘Green Buses’ so far—buses that are smaller than those operating in Lahore. Yet, for a population of this size, the number of buses should have been far greater. If the government genuinely wants people to prioritize public transport, it must increase the fleet size to a level where passengers can travel in comfort and dignity, rather than having to grapple with one another just to secure a spot on a bus.Punjab now has the opportunity to learn from its past. Instead of viewing every public transport project merely as an occasion for inauguration or a publicity stunt, Maryam Nawaz should focus on its long-term sustainability. The true measure of a project’s success is not how impressive it looks on the day of its inauguration, but rather how effective, affordable, and financially sustainable it remains even ten or twenty years down the line.Punjab certainly needs better public transport. However, the province requires systems that prioritize sustainability, accessibility, and public convenience over political symbols. The government should undertake fewer projects that remain perpetually dependent on taxpayers’