most important revolution

The Most Important AI Revolution Isn’t Happening…

By Ali Dar

Every few weeks, Artificial Intelligence seems to produce another headline.

A new model. A larger investment. A faster processor. A company valued in the hundreds of billions.

The conversation has become almost entirely centered on the race to build more powerful machines.

 

I follow these developments with genuine interest. But I often find myself wondering whether we are all looking in the wrong direction.

History has a curious habit of reminding us that the inventors of transformative technologies are not always the ones who transform society.

James Watt improved the steam engine. It was factories that transformed economies.

The internet was built by engineers. It was entrepreneurs, educators, governments and ordinary citizens who changed the way we lived because of it.

Technology begins the story.

Institutions decide how the story ends.

That distinction has occupied my thoughts for some time.

Perhaps because I spend more time thinking about government than algorithms.

Perhaps because the questions that matter most are no longer technological.

They are institutional.

People often speak about bureaucracy as though it were an outdated mistake waiting to be dismantled.

I see it differently.

Modern government was designed for the world in which it existed. Information travelled slowly. Documents moved from one office to another because there was no practical alternative. Decisions climbed through layers of administration because knowledge itself moved through those same layers. Those systems were not inefficient by accident. They were remarkably effective for their time. They created order, consistency and accountability.

They allowed governments to function at a scale that had previously been impossible.

The challenge today is not that bureaucracy failed. The challenge is that the world around it has changed more quickly than bureaucracy itself.

For the first time in history, governments are not struggling because they lack information. They are struggling because they have too much of it.

A district administration receives more information in a single week than previous generations of public servants might have encountered in an entire year.

Hospitals generate enormous volumes of clinical data.

Schools continuously measure educational outcomes.

Agriculture increasingly depends upon satellite imagery, weather intelligence and real-time market information.

The constraint is no longer access. It is interpretation.

That, I believe, changes everything.

Artificial Intelligence is often described as a technological revolution.

I am beginning to think it is something else.

It is an institutional revolution.

It’s greatest contribution may not be writing reports or generating images.

It’s greatest contribution may be helping institutions distinguish what is important from what is merely available.

That is a subtle difference. It is also an enormously important one.

Governments have spent the past two decades becoming digital.

That was necessary. Files became electronic. Services moved online. Citizens could access information without standing in long queues.

These were meaningful achievements.

Yet digitisation should never be confused with transformation.

Replacing paper with screens does not automatically produce better judgement.

A digital government stores information more efficiently. An intelligent government learns from it.

There is a profound difference between the two. One preserves knowledge. The other improves decisions.

This is why I believe the next chapter of public administration will not be defined by technology alone. It will be defined by institutional learning.

Can governments recognise emerging problems before they become crises? Can public services adapt more quickly to changing circumstances? Can policymakers spend less time searching for information and more time exercising judgement?

These are leadership questions.

Technology merely provides new tools with which to answer them.

Around the world, different countries are beginning to explore these possibilities in different ways.

Estonia has shown what becomes possible when digital infrastructure is treated as a public utility rather than a technical project.

Singapore continues to demonstrate that institutional discipline remains one of the greatest competitive advantages any nation can possess.

Neither model should be copied uncritically.

Every society carries its own history, institutions and public expectations.

Punjab will do the same.

Our objective should never be to imitate another government’s technology. It should be to strengthen our own capacity to govern.

That is the thinking behind The Office of AI.

Contrary to popular perception, its purpose is not simply to introduce Artificial Intelligence into government.

Technology, on its own, has never transformed institutions.

People do. Leadership does. Culture does.

The real ambition is more demanding than digital transformation. It is to cultivate public institutions that learn continuously, coordinate more effectively and ultimately deliver better outcomes for citizens. That is a much harder challenge. It is also a far more worthwhile one.

I suspect history will remember this period rather differently from the way we describe it today. It may not be remembered as the moment machines became intelligent. It may be remembered as the moment governments were compelled to become more thoughtful. Perhaps that is the real revolution. Not smarter software but smarter institutions.

And if that proves to be true, the defining governments of this century will not be those that purchased the most advanced technology.

They will be the ones that developed the wisdom to use it well.

About the Author

Ali Dar is a software engineer by education, business leader and Advisor to the Chief Minister of Punjab on Artificial Intelligence and Special Initiatives. He writes on the future of governance, Artificial Intelligence, digital transformation and public policy.

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Here is what nobody puts on a talk show: over the past three years, dozens of Pakistanis — an elderly widow in Gujranwala, a mother of four in Jahanian, a young man in Faisalabad, a payphone operator in Peshawar — have taken their own lives after receiving electricity bills they could not pay. These were not abstractions. They were documented, named, buried. And yet no anchor has spent eighteen consecutive nights asking the chairman of NEPRA why. No panel has summoned the CEO of the Central Power Purchasing Agency to explain, plainly, in language a shopkeeper in Bahadurabad could understand, why this country of 260 million people pays some of the region’s highest power tariffs while its own regulator’s reports describe capacity sitting idle. Where is the media trial of the men who told us, from 2014 to 2018, that imported coal would be Pakistan’s “game changer,” and of the former prime minister who made the same promise about LNG-fired plants? Those promises are now line items in a debt-trapped economy, in a nation reduced, again and again, to a global begging bowl. But no one is asked to answer for them on camera. They sit, as it were, behind a veil — while the Director General of ISPR and the Chief of Defence Forces routinely stand before microphones and take hard questions. Why can Pakistan’s military spokesmen face the public, but not the men who set the price of electricity for every household in the country? I want to be precise, not merely aggrieved, so let me offer what I found when I went looking myself. CPPA-G’s own energy purchase data for May–June 2026 shows three nearly identical imported-coal plants — Huaneng Shandong Ruyi at Sahiwal (1,244 MW), China Power Hub in Balochistan (1,249 MW), and Port Qasim in Karachi (1,243 MW) — dispatched at wildly different rates. Huaneng ran at roughly 73 percent of capacity; Port Qasim at only 36 percent; China Power Hub at a mere 24 percent — this despite Huaneng being, by current fuel charges, the most expensive of the three at roughly Rs. 20.38 per unit, against Rs. 15.12 for Port Qasim and Rs. 16.09 for Hub. If Pakistan’s Economic Merit Order genuinely governed dispatch, the cheaper southern plants should be running harder, not idling at a quarter of their design capacity. Something else is deciding who generates and who doesn’t — transmission bottlenecks, take-or-pay contract terms that favor Sahiwal, or simple operational failure at Hub, whose output fell 37 percent in a single month. Whatever the cause, Pakistani consumers are still paying full capacity charges for roughly 760 to 940 idle megawatts at each underused plant — fixed costs for electricity that was never produced, quietly folded into tariffs nobody explains on air. This is not a call to relent on Mir Raza Ali. It is a plea that the same courage be extended elsewhere. I am not asking media to abandon one grieving family; I am asking whether this nation’s curiosity has been rationed, aimed carefully at the stories that move ratings but never at the ledgers that move our poverty. Who decides that a private tragedy in Gulistan-e-Jauhar deserves eighteen days of forensic television, while a public catastrophe costing every household thousands of rupees a month deserves none? Is there a veil, a ghost hand, guiding our screens away from NEPRA’s boardroom and toward whatever is easier to sell? My request to Pakistan’s media is respectful, not accusatory: summon the chairman and members of NEPRA and the CEO of CPPA, and ask them, on camera, to explain the dispatch logic behind May and June’s generation data, to quantify what idle capacity is costing consumers per unit, to say plainly whether transmission constraints are forcing reliance on costlier northern plants while cheaper southern capacity sits dark, and to commit to passing any findings transparently through the Fuel Charges Adjustment mechanism, as the NEPRA Act itself demands. Pakistan is the fifth most populous nation on earth, and yet the men who preside over its power sector — the chairmen and members of NEPRA and OGRA, the leadership

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