exile remained intellectually

The exile who remained intellectually at home

The passing of Professor Amin Mughal in London on August 12, 2026, at the age of 91, has left me with an overwhelming sense of personal bereavement. I have lost a mentor, friend and former colleague; Pakistan has lost one of the last representatives of a generation for whom progressive politics was inseparable from humanism, scholarship, intellectual integrity and personal courage.

Harris Khalique called his departure “یہ ماتمِ وقت کی گھڑی ہے”—an hour for mourning the times—and described him as “the last of the Mohicans who touched so many lives.” These words capture the magnitude of the loss. Professor Mughal belonged to a generation that imagined Pakistan as a democratic, pluralistic and egalitarian state—not as a security-dominated order governed by fear, dogma and privilege.

Born in Punjab in 1935, he taught English at Islamia College, Civil Lines, Lahore. His teaching career there ended because of his trade union activities. For Professor Mughal, principles were never dispensable instruments of convenience. Losing employment did not silence him. Along with Professor Manzoor Ahmed, he helped establish Shah Hussain College, transforming an act of official victimisation into another avenue for education and intellectual resistance.

As a leader of the National Awami Party, he was imprisoned more than once. His politics sprang from compassion for workers, peasants, minorities and all those denied dignity by structures of power. It was not the doctrinaire radicalism of slogans. It was a deeply humane commitment to freedom from exploitation, arbitrary authority and cultural suffocation.

He was associated with Lail-o-Nahar and later with the weekly Viewpoint, edited by the legendary Mazhar Ali Khan. I had the privilege of working with Professor Mughal at Viewpoint from 1979 to 1984. Its modest office at 4-Lawrence Road, Lahore, became my real university. Mazhar Ali Khan, I.A. Rehman, Zafar Iqbal Mirza—affectionately known as ZIM—Alys Faiz and Amin Mughal represented journalism as a public trust rather than a commercial enterprise.

Reflecting on those formative years in my tribute to ZIM, I wrote: “Amin Mughal and Alys Faiz were so proficient in writing that few could match their stature. They also taught me the art of journalism with great affection and dedication.” That remains one of the greatest blessings of my life. Professor Mughal taught by example. His scholarship was vast, his editing precise and his intellectual standards uncompromising. He corrected younger colleagues without belittling them and encouraged inquiry without demanding conformity.

The Viewpoint collective stood firm during General Ziaul Haq’s brutal dictatorship, when truth invited censorship, dismissal, imprisonment or exile. Literature and journalism became important sites of resistance during those years. Professor Mughal understood that control over language, culture and historical memory was central to authoritarian rule. His engagement with Urdu and Punjabi literature was therefore never merely aesthetic; it was part of a larger struggle to recover suppressed voices and alternative visions of Pakistan.

Forced into political exile in 1984, he settled in London and never returned to Pakistan. Exile, however, could not sever his intellectual or emotional relationship with his homeland. He worked for Daily Jang and, in the early 1990s, edited the Urdu daily Awaaz. Although the newspaper survived for only a little over a year, it represented another attempt to provide Britain’s Pakistani community with a serious and progressive public forum.

Writing in The News on Sunday in 2008, Arif Azad recalled Professor Mughal as looking “his usual sharp and buoyant self, dressed in impeccable attire as is his wont.” He described him as belonging to “the vanishing breed of left-wing Pakistan intellectuals” in whom one could still discern the lofty and humane aspirations associated with Pakistan’s early journey.

The description was exact. Professor Mughal’s impeccable dress reflected something deeper: an inner discipline, dignity and refusal to be diminished by adversity. Political persecution could deprive him of employment and homeland, but it could not deprive him of intellectual independence or personal grace.

His Finchley home gradually became, in Arif Azad’s memorable formulation, “a port of call” for visiting writers, politicians and political and cultural activists from both sides of the border. For decades it served as an informal salon, archive and classroom. Generations of visitors encountered there a formidable memory, an incisive mind and a host of unfailing generosity. Even when he withdrew from active engagement in South Asian politics, he remained an enduring reference point for politically conscious Pakistanis in Britain.

His interests ranged across philosophy, literature, history, political economy and contemporary affairs. He wrote perceptively on Bhagat Singh and, following Benazir Bhutto’s assassination, produced After Benazir Bhutto: Some reflections. Although he had opposed her politics, he recognised her courage and wrote that in the imagination of the masses she had acquired a mystical significance destined to inspire future struggles. That ability to rise above personal political preference and acknowledge truth distinguished him as a genuine intellectual.

Professor Mughal’s life reminds us that exile is not merely physical displacement. It is also the condition imposed upon ideas that a state refuses to accommodate. Pakistan expelled or marginalised many of its finest minds and then wondered why intolerance, intellectual poverty and historical amnesia prevailed. Professor Mughal remained physically in London, but intellectually he never ceased to inhabit the Pakistan for which he had struggled.

One by one, the great teachers of my Viewpoint years have departed. Their passing makes the country feel lonelier and its moral landscape immeasurably poorer.

Professor Amin Mughal leaves no office, fortune or monument carrying his name. His true legacy survives in the minds he liberated, the writers he encouraged, the causes he defended and the generations he taught to question received wisdom.

Farewell, dear mentor and friend. You lived in exile, but your ideas never left us. They will remain at home wherever people struggle for a democratic, pluralistic, just and humane Pakistan.

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    The 276th Corps Commanders’ Conference, chaired by Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir at the General Headquarters in Rawalpindi, brought together the Pakistan Army’s senior corps commanders to deliberate on national security, sovereignty, and the country’s complex geopolitical environment. The conference commenced with a Fateha for the Shuhada of the Armed Forces, personnel of the Law Enforcement Agencies, and civilians who lost their lives in the fight against terrorism, reaffirming the significance of their sacrifices for Pakistan’s security, unity, and resilience. The commanders also paid tribute to the fallen heroes and their families, acknowledging their enduring contributions to the nation. Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, serving as Chief of Army Staff and Chief of Defence Forces, led the conference with a focus on national security and counterterrorism. His leadership has been appreciated by the military and the country’s political leadership, including the President and the Prime Minister, while also is a source of national pride. The conference highlighted ongoing efforts by the military leadership to strengthen Pakistan against internal and external threats and stated that these efforts have also received recognition from international leaders and diplomats for promoting regional diplomacy, peace, and stability, contributing to Pakistan’s international standing and diplomatic influence. A primary and dominating focus of the 276th Corps Commanders’ Conference was the comprehensive and exhaustive review of the country’s prevailing and evolving security environment. The forum expressed extremely serious and grave concerns over the continued and blatant use of territory that remains under the effective control of the Afghan Taliban regime. This territory, according to the military leadership, is being actively utilized by Indian-sponsored terrorist groups to orchestrate and launch attacks inside Pakistani territory. These groups, which include the notorious Fitna al Khawarij and the newly emerged Fitna al Hindustan, are allegedly being used as proxies to destabilize Pakistan. The commanders presented detailed intelligence briefings that outlined the specific routes, hideouts, and funding mechanisms being employed by these hostile elements. It was made unequivocally clear that lasting peace and sustainable stability in the entire South Asian region are contingent upon the immediate and effective prevention of the misuse of Afghan soil by these terrorist proxies. The conference affirmed with absolute clarity that the Afghan Taliban regime bears a direct, non-negotiable, and primary responsibility for ensuring that its territory is not used as a launchpad for attacks against its neighbors, particularly Pakistan. In a significant and indeed rare declaration that sent a strong message to the region, the forum reaffirmed Pakistan’s unequivocal and inherent right to defend its people against the menace of terrorism. The leadership announced that intelligence-based operations, commonly known as IBOs, would continue with even greater intensity and precision against these threats. Under the ambit of Operation Ghazab-lil-Haq, which is a comprehensive and aggressive counter-terrorism campaign, these operations will be meticulously planned and executed to target terrorist networks that are operating from Afghan territory. This signaled a clear and firm posture that Pakistan is prepared to take the fight to the enemy’s sanctuaries if diplomatic efforts and bilateral agreements continue to be violated with impunity. Beyond the realm of kinetic military operations and direct firefights, the conference underscored the absolutely critical importance of adopting a holistic, multi-dimensional, and comprehensive approach to the problem of counter-terrorism. The senior commanders stressed the immediate and pressing need for putting in place robust, transparent, and effective governance structures in the restive and formerly tribal areas of the country. These structures must be directed towards the rapid and efficient delivery of public services and the implementation of welfare initiatives. The objective is to win the hearts and minds of the local population, who have long been caught in the crossfire between the state and militant groups. The forum highlighted the urgent and indispensable need to dismantle the nefarious and symbiotic nexus that exists between terrorism and organized crime. This criminal-terrorist syndicate, they said, continues to thrive under the patronage of certain vested political interests and corrupt elements within the system. This acknowledgment is crucial because it recognizes the complex reality that sustainable peace cannot be achieved through military means alone, no matter how effective they are. It requires effective governance, the speedy completion of socioeconomic development projects, the establishment of public confidence in the integrity of state institutions, and the provision of swift justice. The conference’s heavy emphasis on this integrated and multi-pronged strategy reflects a mature, sophisticated, and nuanced understanding of the multifaceted nature of modern conflict. It also highlights the military’s recognition that a purely kinetic approach is insufficient and that a comprehensive national response, involving all pillars of the state and society, is the only viable path to lasting peace and prosperity. The forum also took very careful and deliberate note of the rapidly evolving strategic landscape, particularly the increased and sophisticated reliance on externally supported hybrid warfare and disinformation campaigns. This was identified as a new and dangerous front in the ongoing conflict. Following what it described as Pakistan’s comprehensive and decisive defeat inflicted on the enemy in the Mark-e-Haq, which was a major military and ideological battle, hostile elements have been forced to shift their tactics. These adversarial actors are now attempting to destabilize Pakistan through more insidious means. These include the widespread propagation of false propaganda, the state-sponsored financing of local proxies and militant groups, the manipulation of social media to create ethnic and sectarian divides, and the persistent efforts to sow discord among the different segments of Pakistani society. The conference strongly condemned all such forms of state-supported financing, facilitation, or sponsorship of subversive proxies. It underscored that any attempts to use these hybrid means to create internal unrest and destabilize the country would be countered with strategic clarity, institutional resilience, and an unshakeable firm resolve. This robust and proactive stance against hybrid warfare demonstrates the military’s acute awareness of the non-traditional threats facing the nation. It also shows the military’s preparedness to counter them effectively using both defensive and offensive measures in the information and cyber domains. By publicly recognizing and clearly articulating

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